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The re-entry of Bangladesh into the relationship equation has given Pakistan a great opportunity to put India on the back foot.

By Justice (R) M. Shaiq Usmani | April 2025


The events of 1971 that led to the separation of East Pakistan were indeed painful, and those of us who have lived through those times can never forget the sense of dismay and, indeed, shame that we experienced because of the propaganda regarding alleged atrocities committed by security forces on civilians in East Pakistan. Even though the rulers of Pakistan attributed it all to a conspiracy brought about by an unholy alliance between the winners of the 1970 General Elections, namely the Awami League and Pakistan’s nemeses India, the fact remains that soon after the creation of Pakistan, there was a constant attempt by the ruling classes of West Pakistan to undermine the Bengalis and to discriminate against East Pakistan.

One cannot forget the question that went around in the corridors of power in those times: “Do we really need East Pakistan? All they have is jute and nothing else.” Ayub Khan tried to find a solution by introducing the One Unit System, which allowed East Pakistan and West Pakistan to become self-governing units and the four provinces of West Pakistan to dissolve. However, this did not uproot the seeds of prejudice that were sown between the Bengalis, who had abolished feudalism in the very beginning, and the unscrupulous politicians of West Pakistan coming from feudal backgrounds, who, by this innovation, felt their power slipping from their hands.

Ironically enough, the seeds of mistrust and abiding prejudice were sown much before by none other than the Quaid-e-Azam when firstly he bypassed the leading and capable politician of East Pakistan, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, when choosing the first Prime Minister of Pakistan. Secondly, during his first visit to East Pakistan, he declared in a public meeting in Dacca in no uncertain terms that “Urdu” shall be the language of Pakistan, without realizing the impact of such utterance on the people of East Pakistan who, apart from being in the majority, also had a developed language of their own. Thus, such complete disavowal of the Bengali language engendered the mistrust that led to the final separation of East Pakistan.

But despite everything and all mistrust that existed till 1970, it is to the credit of Bengalis that they never looked at the relationship between the two parts of Pakistan in nationalist terms and were satisfied with being a recalcitrant partner merely harboring a sense of betrayal. How is it that within a few years thereafter, this recalcitrance morphed into open rebellion? This occurred solely due to Mujibur Rehman’s ambition to ascend for self-aggrandizement.

Mujib was only an underling of Suhrawardy and waited in the wings for the right moment to launch himself. This opportunity he found when he swept the polls in East Pakistan in the General Elections held in December 1970 and obtained a majority in the National Assembly. He then raised the slogan of the “Six Point Programme,” whereby complete autonomy was demanded for the province of East Pakistan and, ironically enough, even for West Pakistan. Initially, all he required was for this slogan to be taken seriously, and there was never any demand for the separation of East Pakistan. This opportunity for a slogan for the six-point program to be transformed into a demand for separation was unwittingly provided to him by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who, again in pursuit of his ambition to be Prime Minister of the whole of Pakistan rather than just the Chief Minister of the Province of West Pakistan since his party had won a majority only in West Pakistan.

It was, therefore, in his interest for East Pakistan to part from West Pakistan; otherwise, he could not achieve his ambition, hence his famous slogan of “Udhar Tum, Idher hum” when Yahya Khan launched his army action. Mujib then was just a cog in the wheel who was given extraordinary importance by Bhutto and Yahya, again egged on by Bhutto. Indians, of course, found this to be an ideal opportunity to break up Pakistan and hence provided political and military support to Mujib by training Mukti Bahini, an indigenous force loyal to Mujib, and by openly supporting it to launch incursions on Pakistani troops across the dividing line between the areas controlled by Mukti Bahini and Pakistan Army.

If and when India sheds its big brother’s pretensions, the possibility of the new Bangladesh emerging as a stronger partner of India cannot be ruled out.

After the recent mass uprising led by students in Bangladesh leading to demystification, later converted into demonization of Mujib in Bangladesh, it is now apparent that the middle classes of the country, which consists of the majority of their population, did not subscribe to the views of Mujib nor did they regard him a cult figure as the Mukti Bahini did in the initial days of 1970. Nor, for that matter, were the Bengalis enamoured by Indians as it was made out to be by West Pakistani politicians.

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