Cover Story

Imran Khan and his party have squandered the opportunity to regain power. Unfortunately, as much as Khan would like to see himself as a visionary, unbeatable leader, he forgets he is no Mao Tse-tung or Lenin, and he lacks the strategic vision men of that calibre possess.

Imran Khan may be the most popular leader, but it is hard to take on the power of the state

We have a situation that reminds us of 1971, when the Awami League was banned, and the operation to shoot and kill its supporters was put into place

Khan can survive by remaining a problem. The state cannot indefinitely succeed merely by containing one.

The confrontation between Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and Pakistan’s political and military establishment is the latest manifestation of this institutional malaise. Yet to view it merely as a power struggle between Khan and his adversaries is to mistake the symptoms for the underlying disease.

Beyond the myths, contested facts, and prevailing narratives lies a need for a candid reassessment of history — one that recognizes Sindh’s pivotal role in the making of Pakistan

The ghost of One Unit continues to haunt Pakistan’s debates over provincial boundaries, while the legacy of the FATA merger remains contested. Any attempt to dismantle established political structures, however, carries the risk of deepening political instability and producing disastrous consequences that could endure for generations.

Without political consensus and a coherent national framework, restructuring Pakistan’s provincial map will remain out of reach

Pakistan cannot continue treating devolution as a threat to political power. Whether through genuinely empowered local governments, smaller administrative units or additional provinces, authority must move closer to citizens.

— Dr Fouzia Hameed, MPA, Sindh Assembly

The real danger for Pakistan may lie not in creating more provinces, but in refusing to reform a system that has allowed provincial elites to monopolise power

— Chaudhry Kabir Ahmad Khan, Secretary and Personal Staff Officer (Honorary)

Creating an administrative unit is the absolute domain of the provincial assembly, not Parliament or the Centre

Those in authority must act now and take the necessary steps before Pakistani youth take matters into their own hands

Pakistan is sitting on a powder keg of economic and political discontent, and a frustrated Gen Z could eventually emulate the youth movements that have shaken other South Asian countries

People in Pakistan need a trigger to find common purpose and overcome fear to stand against a repressive regime. But the country’s Gen Z isn’t there yet.

Pakistan appears to have all the conditions for a youth-led political movement, yet such a movement has not materialised

Pakistan’s Gen Z is digitally connected and faces political polarization and economic pressures, creating fertile ground for collective action—yet several barriers continue to inhibit such mobilization

From its very birth, confronted by two inimical neighbours, Pakistan has tended to regard war as an external threat. Yet an equally grave challenge has been the failure to address development priorities with the same clarity of purpose, resource mobilization and determination brought to meeting external dangers.

Pakistan’s greatest challenge is not external aggression but the urgent need for democratic governance, institutional reform and national renewal

Pakistan is unlikely to overcome its internal challenges unless the state combines effective security measures with political reconciliation, representative governance, and economic justice

Pakistan’s growing diplomatic stature abroad should be matched by meaningful reforms and stability at home