Cover Story

As far as political relations with Pakistan go, there is a long and distraught history of violence that Bangladesh has suffered and is in no rush to forget.

If the Awami League has been marginalized after the ouster of Sheikh Hasina from power, it doesn’t mean that India’s role and influence in Bangladesh is over.

The 36th of July has created a window of opportunity for Pakistan and Bangladesh to enhance trade, economy, sports activities, and cultural exchange.

Pakistan and Bangladesh will continue to be sovereign nations, but nothing should stop them from being formidable partners for their citizens, the region, and the world.

For Pakistan’s part, it is vital for the country to retrieve and strengthen its capacity to firmly assert its right to adopt its own choices, regardless of US preferences or pressures.

The narrative is true that U.S. President-elect Donald Trump will take a stand to undo the political victimization against Pakistan’s former prime minister, Imran Khan.

During Donald Trump’s second term as US President, Washington should engage more holistically with the region and may have to work with China and Pakistan to stabilise the overall situation in the region, especially Afghanistan.

During the second term of U.S. President-elect Donald Trump, any significant changes in U.S. policy towards Pakistan will depend on the pros and cons of its strategic relationship with India.

Pakistani policymakers must consider strengthening the linkages between exports and imports to ensure that the producers produce their goods more efficiently and produce goods that the global consumers need.

For decades, the prevailing political mindset has been the root cause of the economy’s precipice—the prime reason for applying for IMF loans despite harsh conditions.

Pakistan needs to work systematically to enhance its capacity to generate additional net foreign exchange earnings compared to the current levels.

As a step in the right direction, the IMF program provides a framework to strengthen our governance, improve the fiscal system, and build capacity to implement reforms for long-term economic stability.

The solution to the country’s fiscal and economic challenges is embedded in the sincerity or effectiveness of implementing the stipulated reforms while rising above political and vested interest considerations.

New signs are on the horizon in Pakistan. A five-year plan is on the table, and the PIA, insurance companies, utility stores, and state-owned engineering and industrial units are under the hammer. However, will the privatization spree see the light of day?

The issue with Pakistan does not lie in its inability to progress due to outside forces but instead in its inconsistency to become an honest nation.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) in Islamabad provides Pakistan with a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to showcase its relevance regionally and globally.

The Shanghai Cooperation allows the Global South to mingle and communicate without the need or presence of the Western world, something that has always been imposed on this region since decades of colonial rule.

Policymakers in Pakistan need to pay more attention to what is happening in the country related to climate change.

As long as Pakistan’s leading issues remain unaddressed, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) cannot be the gateway to glory for the country.

Sheikh Hasina was the state. There was no institution and no faction of the government that was not directly controlled by her and for her and, by extension, her family and coterie, with the complete backing and support of India.

The students’ decision to ask Professor Muhammad Yunus to lead an interim administration reflects their desire to break from a political past dominated by the Awami League or the BNP.

With the expulsion of Hasina Wajid, it is now evident that Sheikh Mujib’s memory, along with anti-Pakistan rhetoric, has no place in contemporary Bangladeshi politics.