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Unity Through Division?

The proposal to upgrade Pakistan’s administrative divisions to provinces sounds interesting. Still, it cannot be functional unless there are constitutional changes and the people of the existing four provinces support such an idea

By Dr. Moonis Ahmar | January 2026


From time to time, debates on creating new provinces in Pakistan occur, which is nothing new. However, there is no practical application of that debate, and the provincial map of Pakistan remains unchanged. At the time of partition, India had 14 states (provinces), but now it has 28 states and 8 union territories. Afghanistan has 34 provinces. Iran, another neighbor of Pakistan, has 31 provinces. Unfortunately, Pakistan is divided into four provinces with a population of around 250 million. The province of erstwhile East Pakistan seceded and became the independent nation of Bangladesh. Gilgit-Baltistan and Azad Kashmir, due to the controversial status of Jammu & Kashmir, are not provinces of Pakistan but are controlled from Islamabad.

Why is there no paradigm shift in the provincial map of Pakistan? Why does the mindset that creating new provinces will be a national security threat and undermine the integrity of Pakistan reflect the same approach that led to the imposition of One Unit in 1955, scrapping provinces in West Pakistan, to deal with the issue of provincial autonomy in East Pakistan? Following the disintegration of Pakistan, the debate over new provinces gained new impetus, with centrifugal forces demanding that Punjab, the most populous province in Pakistan, be divided into three provinces, and Balochistan, KPK, and Sindh be also divided into new provinces. Presently, the debate on new provinces in Pakistan has received a fresh impetus, with it being argued that the purpose of the proposed 28th Amendment is to create new provinces. Whatever the dynamics of the debate over new provinces, it is often characterized as an attempt to divert attention from real issues.

Like India, Pakistan is a multi-religious, multi-ethnic, and multicultural state. Yet, if India has moved on after August 1947 by accepting new ethnic and geographical realities, Pakistan has avoided giving shape to a new provincial map by creating new provinces either on administrative or ethnic grounds. Power asymmetry in Pakistan, whereby Punjab has 55% of the population and controls the military and bureaucratic apparatus, is a significant factor in the resentment among smaller provinces. Balochistan accounts for 44% of Pakistan’s area but has only 10% of the population. Sindh, KPK, and Balochistan are not comparable to Punjab in terms of holding power in the country’s power structure.

Innovation and creativity, which should have shaped the debate over creating new provinces in Pakistan, are notably absent. The Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) or the PML-N, which is not a national party and has influence only in central Punjab, has a vested interest in not dividing Punjab. It is argued that South Punjab and Bahawalpur should be separated from Punjab and established as separate provinces. During PTI’s government, Multan was declared the headquarters of the province of South Punjab, but with its ouster from power in 2022, the PML-N government shelved that project.

It is suggested that the 31 administrative units in Pakistan, known as divisions, be restructured as provinces. In that case, the new provinces will not have ethnic or lingual identity, which will eradicate the threat of centrifugal forces dividing Pakistan by promoting ethnic nationalism. The 31 divisions of Pakistan, which are being upgraded to provinces, will address administrative and financial challenges, as efficiency and transparency will form the basis of the proposed new provinces.

The proposal to upgrade Pakistan’s administrative divisions to provinces sounds interesting. Still, it cannot be functional unless there are constitutional changes and the people of the existing four provinces support such an idea. Ethnic nationalism and religion are employed by various political parties to justify their stance on the debate over a new provincial map for the country. Religious parties argue for Islam as a unified bond instead of ethnicity, whereas ethnic nationalist forces call for recognizing ethnic identities. Against this background, a plausible solution to address the debate over new provinces is to seek the will of the people and constitutional amendments to upgrade administrative divisions to provinces. The issues of governance and financial resources can be addressed if the proposed 31 new provinces are run on merit with the required financial accountability and governance. After all, the United States has 50 states, each with its own governor, flag, and legislature. All 50 states are neutral and don’t reflect ethnic or lingual identities. Why can’t Pakistan follow the successful models of states like India and America, and is constantly bogged down in periodic debate over new provinces?


According to Arab News report entitled “Speculation over creating new provinces sparks political, legal debate in Pakistan” of August 28, 2025: “A fresh debate has broken out in Pakistan over whether the country should be carved into more provinces, after a widely-quoted report by a new think tank suggested restructuring the federation into as many as 12 to 38 units to improve governance and reduce inequality. Creating new provinces requires a two-thirds majority in both houses of parliament and the consent of provincial assemblies, a threshold seen as nearly impossible with mainstream parties like the ruling Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) opposed.”

Regardless of the debate’s dynamics over new provinces, it is often perceived as an attempt to divert attention from real issues

However, if the military establishment wants to create new provinces, then one can expect the 28th Amendment to be placed before the parliament for approval. In that case, despite their concerns, neither PPP nor PML (N) will have the capability to oppose creating new provinces based on administrative divisions.

The question of the new provincial map of Pakistan in the offing needs to be examined from three angles. First, it is illogical and impractical for Pakistan that even after 78 years of its existence, it has four provinces with geographical and power asymmetry. In a situation where the federal government has been operating on a hand-to-mouth basis since the passage of the 18th Amendment, in which provinces were allocated the bulk of resources, there is a need to rethink the allocation of resources. With new provinces on an even-handed basis, there will surely be a mechanism for financially and administratively running the new provincial setup with equal and shared responsibilities between provinces and the center.

However, if the motive is to use the issue of new provinces for political purposes, then even 100 years after the creation of Pakistan, in 2047, there will still be four provinces harping on the same old issues. A lack of political will and determination among stakeholders to adapt to new provincial realities is a significant impediment to Pakistan’s ability to redraw the country’s provincial map. Second, the need of the hour is professional handling of issues based on merit, whether it involves pursuing a constitutional amendment or seeking the will of the people through a referendum. What is required is seriousness on the part of stakeholders, whether these are elected representatives or their superior counterparts in the military establishment.

Indeed, creating new provinces by upgrading 31 divisions in all four provinces of Pakistan as new provinces will be an uphill task. However, with a strong political will, determination, and a professional approach, anything is possible. Finally, the issues of governance, rule of law, accountability, and zero tolerance for corruption and nepotism must be the essence of new provinces. Otherwise, even in the new provincial map, things would remain the same, and Pakistan would continue to face the dilemma of redrawing the provincial map or maintaining the status quo. If those who wield power consider the interests of Pakistan to be more supreme than their own, the idea of creating new provinces on administrative grounds may become a reality.

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