International
End of Pax Americana?
Iran is acting as an axis of resistance in the region and beyond, setting new rules in the international world order

The US-Israel war against Iran has challenged the existing world order in many ways and led to the emergence of a new world order. This war indicates that Europe has distanced itself from the US, while allied nations such as Japan and South Korea have been compelled to reevaluate their support for a stable framework of leadership.
This development signifies not solely a policy failure but also highlights a considerable deficit in global trust. It appears that the international order established in 1945 is progressively diminishing in relevance as of 2026. These developments compel us to question: Has the global landscape shifted from a unipolar to a multipolar system, with China, Russia, and other emerging powers increasing their influence, leading to decisions being made more often through collective multilateral processes and requiring each state to be held accountable for its role?
Iran’s recent military actions mark a significant escalation in the regional balance of power and underscore the fragility of the existing security order in the Middle East. Verified reporting indicates that Iran launched large-scale missile attacks against Israel and targeted US-linked military assets in the Gulf, demonstrating both an increased operational reach and a willingness to retaliate more directly than in previous confrontations.
Following a significant escalation on February 28, 2026, Iran launched sustained daily barrages. By early April 2026, a ceasefire was initiated, but not before Iran had fired over 850 missiles and drones at Israel, and over 4,900 missiles and drones at Gulf states. These attacks were notable not only for their scale but also for the fact that some penetrated advanced air-defence systems, raising serious concerns about the vulnerability of regional intelligence and interception networks.
At the same time, the conflict produced major consequences for global energy security. The Strait of Hormuz, one of the world’s most critical maritime chokepoints, normally carries around 20–21 million barrels of oil per day, equivalent to roughly 20% of global seaborne oil trade. During the escalation, shipping traffic through the strait reportedly fell by 80–90%, with one estimate placing flows at just 3.8 million barrels per day in early April 2026. While it is more accurate to describe this as a de facto disruption or effective closure rather than a fully verified formal blockade, the outcome was nevertheless severe: heightened market instability, major pressure on oil supply chains, and renewed fears of a broader global energy crisis.
Iran is acting as an axis of resistance in the region and beyond, setting new rules in the international world order. Iran has put forward a demand for a tax on ships passing through the Strait of Hormuz. The most interesting aspect is that, during the conflict, some ships were allowed to pass through the Strait upon payment in Chinese currency, challenging the dollar’s dominance in the world order. It appears that the US dollar has already faced an alternative currency in the international market: the Yuan. When Trump called for a naval blockade to counter an Iranian blockade, even that never materialised, and all ships that tried to pass through the Strait without Iranian approval were sent back.
As of April 2026, Spain refused to allow US military aircraft access to its airspace and denied the use of joint naval bases, such as Rota. France refused to join the blockade or commit forces, stating they would not be drawn into the conflict, and rejected requests to allow military supply flights to Israel to use its airspace. Germany declined to participate in direct military operations, often adhering to policies requiring UN mandates for such actions.
The most interesting aspect is that, during the Iran-U.S. war, some ships were allowed to pass through the Strait upon payment in Chinese currency, challenging the dollar’s dominance
While the UK maintains some support, Prime Minister Keir Starmer refused to participate in the wider blockade or get “dragged into the war,” limiting assistance to specific defensive operations. Australia declined to join the naval blockade, supporting negotiation and regional stability over military action. Poland refused to move its Patriot missile system to aid the operation. Japan and South Korea declined to join the US naval effort in the Strait of Hormuz. Switzerland closed its airspace to US military flights and suspended weapon exports to the US during the campaign. But India, being an ally of the US and Israel, did not openly join or militarily support the US-Israel-Iran war, but its stance appears to have leaned quietly towards them diplomatically and strategically.
On the other side, Russia and North Korea openly supported Iran, and it is also speculated that Iran received technological support from Russia and China to target Israel and US military bases in the Gulf and the Middle East. Russia and China, due to their strategic partnerships with Iran, have condemned the conflict in the UN Security Council. The Houthis in Yemen, Hezbollah in Lebanon, and various Iraqi militias are considered key allies that form a frontline in the conflict. Qatar and Oman maintain open channels with Tehran and have acted as intermediaries, though they are not military supporters. Three nuclear powers in the Iranian basket make it sound alarming to both the US and Israel. That could be a reason that Donald Trump has stressed that the US and Iran are on the cusp of reaching a deal. But Iranian officials have suggested that major issues remain unresolved, which include the nuclear programme and the Strait of Hormuz.
In conclusion, the US position and the repositioning of its allies suggest that unipolarity is gradually losing its dominance, while the world moves towards a more multipolar order. The global landscape has clearly shifted away from a singular concentration of power, driven by the rising influence of China, Russia, and other regional powers. However, this transition has not yet produced a stable or fully institutionalised multipolar system. Rather, the international order remains in flux, characterised by fragmented multilateralism, competing centres of power, and uneven accountability mechanisms.
The writer is associated with the National University of Sciences and Technology, Islamabad as an Assistant Professor at Department of Government and Public Policy. She can be reached at farahnaz@s3h.nust.edu.pk


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