Lahore
Austerity Myth
Repeated across decades, the term ‘austerity measures’ now sounds less like policy and more like ritual, invoked in every crisis but rarely delivering relief to the masses

As the Strait of Hormuz became a global concern during the US-Iran conflict, “austerity” once again echoes through Pakistan’s policy circles. Yet for ordinary citizens, this word has long lost its meaning. Repeated across decades, it now sounds less like policy and more like ritual; invoked in every crisis, it rarely delivers relief to the masses.
Since independence, successive governments have leaned on austerity as a response to economic stress. Early efforts under Liaquat Ali Khan focused on fiscal restraint in a fragile new state. Under Ayub Khan, the emphasis shifted to controlled public spending. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto expanded the role of the state, aimed to stabilize the economy, but also created inefficiencies. The era of Zia-ul-Haq brought a different form of austerity: cutting public spending, restricting imports, and encouraging remittances. Public campaigns urged citizens to conserve resources, with slogans promoting electricity conservation. These measures, however, were not matched by deep structural reform.
In the democratic periods that followed, Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto pursued privatization and fiscal tightening, often under pressure from the IMF. Yet fiscal deficits persisted, and reforms lacked continuity. Pervez Musharraf later promoted efficiency and growth, but much of it depended on external inflows rather than durable internal adjustments. More recently, governments led by Imran Khan and Shehbaz Sharif have announced austerity drives. In practice, many remain symbolic, short-lived, and weakly enforced.
The result is a cycle: crisis, austerity, temporary relief, and then relapse. The central question remains: why austerity, despite its repeated use, has failed to deliver lasting benefits for the public.
Austerity works when it is credible, consistent, and, most importantly, shared. After World War II, the United Kingdom implemented strict rationing, high taxation, and disciplined public spending. Crucially, these measures were accepted across society, including political, administrative, and economic elites. This shared sacrifice helped stabilize finances while laying the foundation of a welfare state.
In South Korea, the 1997 financial crisis triggered painful austerity measures. Citizens accepted layoffs, higher taxes, and restructuring because elite groups also absorbed losses and signalled commitment. Likewise, Singapore has maintained fiscal discipline through strong institutions, low corruption, and a consistent expectation that those in power will adhere to the same rules as the public.
Where austerity has failed, the pattern reverses. In Greece after 2010, cuts and tax increases fell heavily on the public, while tax evasion among elites and weak enforcement undermined trust. In Argentina, repeated cycles of austerity collapsed under political resistance and institutional fragility. The lesson is clear: austerity without fairness cannot endure.
Pakistan today reflects many of these failures. The divide between rich and poor is not only wide but also institutionalized. For millions, daily life is shaped by uncertainty. A proper meal is not guaranteed. Inflation erodes purchasing power, and child stunting remains a persistent concern. Public schools struggle with quality and access, while healthcare is underfunded and often dependent on out-of-pocket spending.
At the other end, a narrow elite lives in relative insulation. Gated communities, private security, elite education, and access to foreign healthcare create a parallel system. Consumption patterns, such as imported goods, frequent travel, and uninterrupted access to energy, signal a distance from the constraints that the majority live with. This divide is not accidental; it is reinforced by policy.
Pakistan’s tax structure relies heavily on indirect taxes, which disproportionately burden low-income households. Meanwhile, large segments of wealth, particularly in real estate and certain sectors, remain undertaxed. Influence shapes exemptions, protections, and enforcement gaps. As a result, austerity measures tend to fall downward rather than upward.
Pakistan’s tax structure relies heavily on indirect taxes, which disproportionately burden low-income households
The recent surge in fuel prices, linked to global tensions involving the Strait of Hormuz, illustrates this imbalance sharply. As global oil supplies tighten, domestic fuel prices rise. The state frames these increases as unavoidable, part of fiscal discipline. In reality, they function as regressive measures.
Fuel costs are not isolated. They ripple through the economy, raising the price of transport, food, and electricity. For low-income households, this translates into an immediate decline in real income. The cost of commuting rises, basic goods become more expensive, and already stretched budgets collapse further. Evidence from multiple economies shows that such price shocks hit the poorest hardest and fastest.
Yet the impact on the elite remains limited. Policy responses rarely target elite privileges, untaxed assets, luxury consumption, or inefficiencies in state spending. Even in moments of crisis, austerity is not shared; it is transferred. This is the core problem. When austerity becomes a one-sided burden, it ceases to deliver. It becomes extortion, taking more from those who have the least capacity to absorb it.
Pakistan does not lack policy prescriptions. The path forward has been outlined repeatedly: introduce direct taxation and broaden the tax network, particularly on wealth and property, restructure loss-making state-owned enterprises, rationalize energy subsidies, reduce untargeted perks and privileges, document the informal economy, implement land reforms, judicial and police accountability, and strengthen investment in public health and education over elite projects. These are not new ideas. What is missing is political will as well as wisdom and institutional consistency.
Three principles stand out from global experience. First, elites must visibly share the burden through taxation, reduced privileges, and accountability. Without this, public trust cannot be built. Second, institutions must enforce rules fairly and consistently. Selective application erodes legitimacy. Third, communication must be honest and credible: no TikTok approach to build public trust. Citizens are more likely to accept short-term hardship if they believe it serves a genuine, shared purpose.
Austerity, at its core, is not just about reducing expenditure. It is about signalling commitment, showing that the state and its leadership are willing and have the wisdom to make difficult choices for the collective good. In Pakistan, that signal remains weak 
Based in Lahore, the writer is a columnist and broadcast journalist and can be reached at mali.hamza@yahoo.com


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