Cover Story
American Strategic Discrimination
America’s true motives are different, and the allegations made by the likes of Jon Finer are nothing but an elaborate deception and discrimination.
On 19 December last year, Jon Finer, the Deputy National Security Advisor in the Biden Administration, claimed that Pakistan’s development of long-range missiles “will have the capability to strike targets well beyond South Asia, including the United States.” He added that it was “hard for us to see Pakistan’s actions as anything other than an emerging threat to the United States.”
This sweeping and speculative assertion, coming only two days after the US imposed sanctions on Pakistani entities allegedly involved in missile development, could hardly be a coincidence. Besides being patently false and ludicrous, such an allegation is obviously part of a well-orchestrated charade intended to deny Pakistan the capability to ensure credible deterrence against India. The US is well aware of India’s rapid development of its strategic arsenal, including long-range air, land, and sea-based missiles to be deployed on off-shore Indian assets and nuclear-powered submarines, which undermine deterrence and strategic stability in South Asia. Therefore, such an American approach can only be described as strategic discrimination against Pakistan.
Ever since Pakistan’s nuclear tests in response to India in 1998, its strategic doctrine has been focused on ensuring credible deterrence exclusively against India. Accordingly, Pakistan’s strategic capabilities are not directed against any other country except India, least of all the US. Besides, there is no rationale for Pakistan to threaten the US, with which it has no dispute and where millions of Pakistanis reside. The US also maintains a massive nuclear deterrence capability in comparison with which Pakistan’s assets are minuscule. For Pakistan to attack the US would, therefore, be suicidal. These facts are so blatantly obvious that even objective Americans would find it hard to believe Finer’s allegations.
In discussions on this issue over the recent past with American officials and experts, Pakistani interlocutors, myself included, have sought clarity and rational arguments that would explain American concerns. But none have been offered. There have been vague and weak arguments that since Pakistan is China’s ally, its strategic capabilities are a part of the threat from China. This begs the question as to why Pakistan, even as a Chinese ally, would jeopardize its own existence by attacking the US.
The truth is that these American allegations are part of a blatant attempt at deception and discrimination. The objective is to protect America’s strategic interests against China through its partnership with India. To achieve this, the US wants India to focus on China and not be distracted by competition from Pakistan in the strategic domain. But from Pakistan’s perspective, Indian capabilities ostensibly against China can also be used against Pakistan. In fact, after the thrashing India received from China in 1962, it had no inclination whatsoever to engage in a conflict with the Chinese for the sake of the Americans. However, New Delhi will continue to exploit the threat from China to benefit from American hand-outs as Washington’s “Net Security Provider.”
Jon Finer, former Director of Policy Planning Staff of the United States
However, for Pakistan, the Indian military build-up presents an existential threat. India has used the American-supported nuclear waiver to increase its nuclear arsenal. It has developed short-, medium-, and long-range air-, land-, and sea-based missiles. It has acquired nuclear-powered and nuclear-armed submarines. In 2019, India tested an anti-satellite missile (ASAT) and developed a multi-layered Ballistic Missile Defence System (BMD) involving American Patriot, Israeli Arrow, and Russian S-400 missiles. India is also developing hypersonic missiles while inducting new and emerging technologies, such as AI, into its weapon systems with American assistance. At the same time, Indian strategic bases are located across Pakistan rather than China, apart from being set up in the Indian Ocean, most notably in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands and possibly beyond in the Indian Ocean. Additionally, as a part of the US-backed Quadrilateral alliance in the Asia-Pacific, India may obtain basing facilities in the territories of its alliance partners – the US, Japan, and Australia.
The US wants India to focus on China and not be distracted by competition from Pakistan in the strategic domain.
For Pakistan, these developments present existing and potential challenges for which it must be prepared to ensure credible deterrence. Pakistan has already ensured deterrence at the operational, tactical, and strategic levels through its Full Spectrum Deterrence policy. It maintains a credible second-strike capability adequate for its needs. Its land, air, and sea-based Babur cruise missiles and the MIRVed Ababeel missiles provide the capability to penetrate Indian BMD systems. The Shaheen 2 and 3 long-range missiles cover the Indian mainland and offshore assets.
However, since deterrence is dynamic and depends on changes in technologies and policies, Pakistan cannot afford to foreclose on its future options. For instance, the operationalization of Indian bases with nuclear-armed missiles deep in the Indian Ocean would require Pakistan to develop longer-range missiles to ensure credible deterrence. Similarly, Pakistan’s space assets, including satellites, which are becoming increasingly vital for civilian and military purposes, may come to be threatened by ASATs, which India has already tested. Therefore, for effective deterrence to protect its satellites in the future, Pakistan would need an ASAT capability for which long-range missiles are essential. Also, to benefit from future space operations, Pakistan would need the capability to launch satellites, which requires developing a Space Launch Vehicle (SLV) capability. For all these reasons, Pakistan has a legitimate right to develop its long-range missile/rocket program.
If the US has legitimate concerns about Pakistan’s missile development program, even as the assertion that Pakistan would threaten the US is absurd, a mutual understanding can provide a logical solution. But since the US does not seek this option, the conclusion is inescapable that America’s true motives are different, and the allegations made by the likes of Jon Finer are nothing but an elaborate deception and discrimination.
Such intentions are also betrayed by discriminatory American sanctions imposed on Pakistani entities as was done once again a few weeks ago. More than 160 such entities have been sanctioned since 1998. By contrast, during US National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan’s visit to India on 6 January 2025, the US announced the de-listing of the remaining Indian nuclear entities that still remained sanctioned since the 1998 nuclear tests. This is the latest example of American discrimination against Pakistan since India’s first nuclear test in 1974. Instead of punishing India for nuclear proliferation, the US adopted laws such as Symington, Glenn, and Pressler amendments to sanction Pakistan instead. Even after India conducted nuclear tests again in 1998, forcing Pakistan to do the same, the US soon reversed its opposition and signed a civilian nuclear cooperation agreement with India (2005) and facilitated the nuclear cooperation waiver for India by the Nuclear Suppliers Group (2008). Washington then also enabled India to join the Missile Technology Control Regime (2016). But, demonstrating blatant discrimination, the US has consistently denied these opportunities to Pakistan.
If Washington was truly interested in South Asian security and protecting its own national interests, it should pursue a non-discriminatory and balanced policy towards Pakistan and India. Instead, India has been given a free pass to build up its strategic capabilities while restraint is only being sought from Pakistan. However, history has demonstrated that discrimination has never succeeded in deterring Pakistan.
The writer is Pakistan’s former Permanent Representative to the United Nations Office, Geneva.
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