My Name Is Khan

Pakistan’s largest national party, with millions of supporters, is facing multiple crises. With Imran Khan facing a 14-year imprisonment term and countless other cases against him, it is doubtful that he will be released in the near future. There have been talks of backdoor negotiations, but the party’s spokespersons deny that any negotiations are going on. It may not be an exaggeration to say that the PTI finds itself in a blind alley with no way out.

At least, that is how things seem to be. The government, backed strongly by the establishment, has made the judiciary subservient to the executive and placed judges not known for their nonpartisan views in the Supreme Court and its Constitutional bench. Thus, it has made sure that Khan will not be easily acquitted and that cases against PTI supporters accused of riots on May 9 and November 26 will be tried in military courts, the SC having conveniently overturned the previous order to the effect that military courts were unconstitutional. A single, lone judge wrote a dissenting note, but the fate of the accused seems to be sealed.

While there are scores of cases against Khan, courts are in no hurry to hear them or to pay attention to appeals. Dates upon dates are given, and the wheel of justice, Pakistani style, churns slowly. With Khan effectively barred from talking to the press, or even having his name taken during any TV programme, the establishment hopes to obliterate even the memory of his name, let alone his achievements for Pakistan. Away from public eyes and ears, Khan would find it difficult to provide leadership to not only the party’s workforce but also to its key leaders, many of whom are behind bars. The vacuum thus created is supposed to be filled by leaders still in the assemblies or those who can communicate with the masses. The problem is that the party is in disarray, with several leaders giving contradictory or controversial statements. Khan’s sister sometimes acts as his spokesperson, but it is difficult to say whether she has credibility within or outside the party.

The establishment, with its recent and admirable response to Indian aggression, and the government, with continued IMF bailout and improvement in some economic indicators, at least in the short term, are on firm ground. They do not feel the need to consider talks with the PTI, perhaps thinking that with legislation and repression of dissenting voices, the party’s supporters will tire and fizzle out over time. Come next elections, there may be no PTI to contend against. It is most likely that judgment on the reserved seats will also be in the government’s favour, and the current hybrid government, thus further fortified, will continue to handle the reins of the country in their typical incompetent fashion.