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Return to Hindu Rashtra

The resurgence of Hindu identity politics in Nepal suggests that the ideological battle for the country’s identity remains far from concluded.

By Gulnaz Nawaz | May 2025


The secular republican system of Nepal, which was fundamental in its shift from monarchy to democracy, is now under further scrutiny. The rising demand to bring Nepal back as a Hindu Rashtra has crossed peripheral discussions and is now resonating in major political debates and grassroots movements. The discussion has crossed the boundaries set by religious leaders and traditional institutions to resonate within significant portions of powerful political parties and a disappointed population.

The prevailing popular mood is one of deep dissatisfaction with corruption, unfulfilled government responsibilities, and widespread conviction in imposed and phony secularism. Nepal has formally declared itself a secular, federal republic by adopting the 2015 Constitution. Still, Maoist and liberal coalitions supported by foreign agencies have driven this change, which has often come under fire for its clear lack of popular legitimacy. Particularly in a nation where over 80% of the population is identified as Hindu, the change was mostly considered a result of upper-level talks rather than a sign of overwhelming public demand. Consequently, secularism has had difficulties defining itself within the national shared consciousness.

The current Hindu Rashtra movement shows a notable increase in self-confidence and a systematic approach to its objectives. Unlike its predecessors, who stayed on the ideological edge, the present revival is now interwoven with more general political agendas and public conversation. The conversation has advanced beyond a straightforward contrast of secular values and religious beliefs to reflect a major crisis over national identity, discontent with leadership, and different opinions on Nepal›s future course.

Historically outspoken about its pro-Hindu monarchy position, the Rashtriya Prajatantra Party Nepal (RPPN) has come back into significance. In CA debates or political forums, their call for a referendum on the restoration of the Hindu Rashtra and constitutional monarchy is no longer flatly rejected. Their return to the constitution-making process in 2015, after a previous boycott, indicated a deliberate shift towards involvement rather than exclusion. RPPN, however, is not by itself. Parts of the Nepali Congress have openly supported the Hindu Rashtra plan, particularly members like Shashank Koirala and Shekhar Koirala. Over 700 Congress Mahasamiti members signed a petition in 2018 supporting Nepal›s Hindu identity restoration. The party›s ideological struggle continues as some members embrace secularism while others quietly align with the religious state narrative, especially in reaction to electoral pressure.

Even KP Sharma Oli, a communist leader, could not resist invoking Hindu symbols by visiting Pashupatinath, floating the Ayodhya-in-Thori theory, and invoking «Sanatan Dharma» in public addresses. These are not coincidences; they are calibrated nods to a rising base.

The streets are not silent either. From Khulamanch to Devghat, pro-Hindu organizations have staged fasts, protests, and spiritual rallies calling for the restoration of Hindu identity. Religious figures, mathadishs, pithadishs, and Hindu intellectuals have joined hands in campaigns such as the Hindu Rashtra Swabhiman Jagaran Abhiyan, drawing thousands. These aren›t fringe voices anymore; they represent deep undercurrents of discontent with Nepal’s current ideological direction. Moreover, regional Hindutva outfits like Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh have provided the movement structure and resources. Though India›s Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and political figures like Yogi Adityanath deny direct involvement, their ideological affinity is well documented and cannot be brushed aside. According to security sources, over 100 Hindu organizations are currently active in Nepal. Some receive foreign funding, while others mobilize locally through religious institutions, festivals, and social media. They are building a simple but powerful narrative: reclaim the nation’s cultural soul before it is permanently lost.


This movement also responds to deeper fears among many Nepalis: the erosion of traditional values, growing Christian proselytization in rural hills, and a loss of cultural cohesion under federal identity politics. While empowering some marginalized communities, federalism is also viewed by others as divisive. The perception is that secularism and identity federalism have led to chaos, not harmony. This vacuum has given Hindu activists a potent ideological weapon: the promise of cultural revival and national unity under a singular religious identity. And many people, exhausted by prolonged instability, are listening. It is important to note that many of these campaigns stop short of overtly advocating Hindu supremacy. They speak the language of tolerance, coexistence, and cultural pride. This rhetorical strategy allows them to gain legitimacy while promoting a fundamentally exclusionary political vision.

Many argue that Nepal’s Hindu Rashtra movement is a regressive push against secular and democratic gains. But the reality is more nuanced. The call for a Hindu state is not purely theological. It’s deeply tied to perceptions of cultural erosion, increasing Christian proselytization, growing ethnic divisions under federalism, and disillusionment with political corruption. In the eyes of many common Nepalis, the “New Nepal” experiment has failed to deliver on development, unity, or sovereignty. Instead, they see foreign embassies meddling, Christian missionaries converting, and ethnic federalism threatening national integrity. For them, the Hindu Rashtra is not just about religion; it is a political identity, a civilizational anchor, and a bulwark against perceived fragmentation.

One of the most hotly debated suggestions is whether Nepal should revert to being a Hindu state. The RPPN and parts of the Nepali Congress have openly called for it. While secularists argue that democracy should protect minorities against majoritarianism, the pro-Hindu side counters that freedom also means respecting the will of the majority. The concept of a referendum has the potential to profoundly disrupt Nepal›s post-2008 order. If 80% of the population truly supports Hindu Rashtra, as claimed by proponents, then a referendum might be a formality and a decisive turning point. However, some caution that introducing identity politics into constitutional matters can lead to instability, communal strife, and international isolation.

India’s influence in the rise of Hindu nationalism in Nepal cannot be dismissed. Though the Modi government maintains an official distance, the ideological synergy between the RSS and Nepali Hindu organizations is visible. Religious tourism, cultural exchange programs, and joint events with Indian Hindu groups continue to expand. Some pro-Hindu leaders in Nepal openly acknowledge this support. While no direct financial trail has been proven, the strategic alignment is clear. As India deepens its Hindutva agenda, its spillover to Nepal is inevitable. This has further complicated Nepal›s delicate balance between India and China. Beijing remains wary of religious nationalism, viewing it as a destabilizing force. Thus, the more Nepal flirts with Hindu Rashtra, the more friction it risks in its foreign policy alignments.

India›s Hindutva agenda is deepening; its spillover to Nepal is unavoidable. This situation has made Nepal›s fragile equilibrium between India and China even more difficult. Beijing still sees religious nationalism as destabilizing and is thus cautious about it. Therefore, the more Nepal has relations with Hindu Rashtra, the more tension it runs into in its foreign policy alliances. It is yet unknown if Nepal will formally revert to Hindu Rashtra. The secular republic identity is under question, so its significance cannot be denied. The resurgence of Hindu identity politics, both from below and above, suggests that the ideological battle for Nepal›s identity remains far from concluded. Ideas have to fight in a democracy. And right now, the Hindu Rashtra idea is not just competing; it is gathering speed, traction, and legitimacy across political spectrums and social strata. To ignore it would be to misread Nepal’s evolving political grammar.

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