Chandigarh
Future of a Referendum
India must hear out its Sikhs by allowing the Khalistan Referendum.
There are fringe elements prevalent in every facet of society. When fuelled with resentment, these peripheries often traverse towards a cultural and political shift, at times seeking for self rule. However, what seems as deviance is actually the upshot of generational victimization, maltreatment and persecution. These oppressed communities, therefore, often harbour separatist elements which challenge the social fabric of a nation and also its sovereignty.
The Khalistan movement has always been a prime example, highlighting the recusant sentiment prevalent within various communities of India. These feelings of nonconformity with New Delhi have been further accentuated after the coming into dominance of Hindutva in a “secular” India. Recently, the Khalistan Referendum - among Sikh expatriates – has been lighting up the lingering flames of sovereignty within the Sikh community.
To understand the Khalistan Referendum, we first need to delve deep in the history of the Khalistan Movement and view Eastern Punjab through the prism of symbolic interactionism. Accordingly, throughout several centuries, Punjab has been viewed as the “pure” land by the Sikh population residing there. Khalistan or “land of the pure “encompasses a religio-political vision that realized Sikhs being preordained by God to rule this land. From a historical perspective, there have been several communities throughout the times, albeit nuances, that claimed a certain area as rightfully their’s as divinely told by their gods. Jewish Zionism is a great example of this. Apart from religion, the resentment of being a minority within a Hindu dominant majority, where Hindu nationalism has always been viewed as the proverbial cornerstone, has propelled the pro-Khalistan sentiments by great degrees through recent decades.
Since India’s independence, there have been numerous incidents that show those who argued that Sikhs couldn’t feel secure under a Hindu-run state were right. The Operation Blue Star and the ensuing anti-Sikh riots, both of which occurred in 1984, are the two most noteworthy ones. The first incident included the Indian military attacking the Sri Harmandir Sahib Gurudwara in Amritsar, Punjab. They used deadly force against the unarmed pilgrims who had assembled at the place of worship as well as the separatists who were looking for safety. This marked the culmination of months and years of emergency regulations, crackdown measures, and suspension of habeas corpus, which led to a surge in the number of Sikhs supporting autonomy in large regions of Punjab and North India.
The historic 1984 anti-Sikh riots in Delhi were started by the assassination of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi by her two Sikh bodyguards later that year in retribution for the Operation Blue Star. These violent riots had a significant impact on the Khalistan cause by showing Sikhs all over India that good neighbourly relations could not be taken for granted. Sikhs continued to be a minority community with limited means of defence against a powerful majority. It is obvious why these incidents show Sikhs in India require their own independent sovereign state to feel safe and secure.
All of these incidents of victimization have been the precursor to the Khalistan Referendum and the call for an autonomous Khalistan has been getting support again in recent times. With all the current developments going on, one begs to ask the question that can an independent Sikh state sustain. The answer to the feasibility lies in the “Hindutva” factor and Indian centrality. An analysis of the Kashmir conflict helps us to understand why India, at least for the foreseeable future, will never give in to calls for Punjab’s independence since doing so would result in the same issues as in Kashmir—namely, the weakening of India to the advantage of its rival neighbour. Furthermore, allowing a secession that would be almost completely motivated by religious differences would be bad for ties between different ethnic groups in the nation as a whole. How could India claim to be a really secular nation to the other main religious communities of India - particularly Muslims, and also Christians and others - if it could not provide the protection and safety of Sikhs, to the point where they declared independence?
Moreover, a country breaking free from India, will also have a hard time gaining recognition as a nation-state, particularly among India’s strategic allies, especially the Western countries and the US. India, with its extensive nationalist agenda and Hindutva social engineering, will surely prove to be an obstacle for the whole Khalistan movement. If Khalistan comes to fruition, it will also face the same animosity as Pakistan deals against India. Khalistan will also have huge problems because it would be land-locked. While Pakistan will presumably support and assist the hypothetical new nation, this might come at a cost of state-sponsored insurgent activities throughout the region via India. Fears of proxies can also be seen as a great possibility within the Punjab region.
Furthermore, when viewed from an economic lens, the idea of Khalistan may not be feasible for the Sikh populace as well. In terms of GDP, the state of Punjab doesn’t even come in the top ten richest provinces, let alone bring independent. If a state such as Punjab becomes an independent and autonomous region, it will be dealing with a plethora of problems on the economic front. Right from the start, the region will be swept in the void of budget and trade deficits and, as its foreign reserve will dwindle, Khalistan too will succumb to international monetary bodies.
Another important aspect to analyze within the feasibility of the Khalistan Referendum and in retrospect the Khalistan movement is to actually focus more upon the demographic that is supporting the referendum. The demographic that seems to support the referendum mostly consists of expatriates who are mostly not actually Indian citizens so even if such a referendum does take place it is not likely to be binding.
However, the right of accession through referendum is not by any means considered as a criminal offence. To use force against a referendum and consequently deny a community its right to stand up for its independence, is what’s actually illegal and against basic human rights. This is what India has been doing ever since its genesis. This is what India did with Kashmir when it went against the agreement made after the UN ceasefire over the case of a plebiscite in Kashmir. India has, till this day, denied the people of Kashmir any referendum whatsoever. Denying a community its natural rights also comes naturally for a nation that takes pride in calling itself democratic and secular. What India did with Hyderabad Deccan and Junagadh upon Partition is also a similar tale where the “democratic” nation denied the rights of these princely states. New Delhi, with its strong nationalist agenda, has always been jumping to conclusions too soon. India, should for now, actually respect the referendum and try to hear what the people of the Sikh community have to say, instead of being a nationalist tyrant.![]()

Salis Malik is a freelance journalist and columnist based in Islamabad. He can be reached on Facebook @salismalik7777
SICPA collaborates for flood relief
NBP donates Rs. 50 million for flood affectees
Former Tata chairman dies
PAA elects new Chairman and CEC
HABIBMETRO launches Pakistan’s first business debit card
Nestlé employees donate PKR 6 million for flood relief
Jemima sang classic Urdu song
MAP Dialogue Held
Mehtab Rashdi Honoured
Journalist Arshad Sharif Dies
Al Baraka Bank appoints new CEO


Leave a Reply