Cover Story
Quota or Chaos
The fundamental rights of citizens against discrimination in federal
and provincial government jobs are duly protected in the Pakistan’s
Constitution – but the Quota System in Sindh negates this.
Aquota system is a tool that facilitates the governing of a nation-state through regulation of the political, economic and administrative representation of marginalized groups, particularly in a region considered to be underdeveloped. It is, however, usually manipulated for political considerations. The quota system is like a glass of cold drink which, on the one hand, gives a cool feeling on the inside but leaves a negative impact on the outside. It particularly slaughters merit in government departments in the matter of jobs and admission to higher educational institutions.
Pakistan like India is a culturally pluralistic society. Just after independence, in the very first few years, India abolished the zamindari, jagirdari and sardari systems, giving more weightage to merit. On the other hand, Pakistan, just after one year of its independence, established a quota system in 1948 to compensate the different provinces, particularly East Pakistan. This process at the national level led to many problems and even created a crisis situation between East and West Pakistan.
After East Pakistan broke away, the new Pakistan was led by Z.A. Bhutto and he presented the 1973 Constitution. In this he included a separate chapter on “Fundamental Rights and Principles of Policy of State” to safeguard fundamental rights of the citizens of Pakistan against discrimination in the federal and provincial government services.
Bhutto introduced a quota system in Sindh in 1973, based on rural and urban divisions. Although the system was initially meant for ten years, but has been continuously extended since and has left a very negative impact. It has slaughtered merit in all sections of the population, As a result, the Muhajirs who migrated from India after independence of Pakistan were deeply affected in seeking government jobs or admissions to educational institutions.
The most damaging effects caused by the quota system were on admissions to universities and colleges in Karachi because a number of seats were reserved for applicants who had done their previous studies in rural and underdeveloped regions of the country, including Sindh. Consequently, candidates with low grades qualified for admission to medical and engineering colleges in Karachi and only because they were from rural or underdeveloped areas. This deeply affected the merit candidates from Karachi.
This rejection of merit gave rise to a conflicting political environment in Karachi. This is when the APMSO (All Pakistan Muhajir Students Organization) was formed. It soon converted into the MQM (Muhajir Qaumi Movement) under the leadership of Altaf Hussain. Z.A.Bhutto also nationalized Pakistan’s commerce and industrial sectors. This also affected the educated youth of Karachi. Besides not being able to get into professional educational institutions on merit, they also lost job opportunities. Karachi is Pakistan’s largest city and the Muhajirs are the main stakeholders in the city. The city generates about 65% of Pakistan’s revenue but it is not governed by its local representatives as the Sindh Assembly has a PPP majority and these members are obviously more interested in spending funds in the rural areas of Sindh rather than in Karachi or other urban centres.
The Muslims who chose to migrate to Pakistan in 1947 did so out of fear of being targeted in post-independent India. They had already been facing communal riots in which Muslims were slaughtered en masse. Their struggle for identity already existed when they were in India and it is unfortunate that it continued for generations even after they moved to Pakistan. The Muhajirs initially constituted a privileged, elite and educated class, but their standing amongst other ethnics groups in Pakistan diminished over the decades. The stirring of a Muhajir consciousness began in the early 1970s, prompted by government policies that created a negative impact on their education and affected their employment opportunities in Sindh. Over the years, demographic changes, ethno-political conflicts, militant and sectarian groupings and vested political interests coloured the Muhajirs’ view of their place in Pakistani society. The MQM emerged as a party that claimed to represent Muhajir grievances. Its main two planks were dissolution of the quota system and repatriation of Pakistanis stranded in Bangladesh. But it soon became a criminal enterprise, diluting the legitimacy of the Muhajir cause and its leaders simply exploited the Muhajir youth for their own ends.
The significant question is to understand that the place for the Muhajirs in Pakistan relates to their socio-economic and political contributions. The Muhajirs are a large community and cover almost the entire urban areas of Sindh. They are mostly in the middle class, have a sizeable percentage of literacy and are also free of the traditional influences of tribalism and feudalism. The odds in front of them are so many that even today, they continue their struggle to define their identity. They resist being drawn into fragmented ethno-political groups in Karachi and aspire to establish a political society as a positive and effective force that wants to defend itself against the challenges posed by such threats as the quota system.
It has now been fifty years since Z.A. Bhutto launched the quota system – a system that drew a line across Sindh on the basis of the rural-urban divide. Unfortunately, that line not only still exists – but has become more deepened. It was amazing to observe that in the recent provincial services selection, all candidates selected were from rural Sindh origin and there was not even a single one from Karachi.
It should be interesting to note that a quota system on the basis of creating a distinction between rural and urban areas, only exists in Sindh, while in other provinces of Pakistan, there is no rural-urban quota. In Sindh, economic and social entrepreneurship have also been damaged by the quota system as it has created inefficiency, over-staffing and a high level of corruption. Consequently, Karachi suffers with all sorts of complications and there is a constant deterioration in the life of the city’s inhabitants. Although Karachi said to contribute more than 65% to the national economy and more than 90% to Sindh’s economy, the city is totally ignored when its comes to development projects for its residents.
The only solution to rescue Sindh from further deterioration and to recognize the significance of its urban centres would be to dissolve the quota system altogether and treat the people of the province’s urban areas as part of the mainstream, recognizing their rights on an equal basis. This would entail their being part of an equitable process of selection and their appointments on merit basis. ![]()
The writer was a professor and Chairman of the Department of Political Science at the University of Karachi. He can be reached at drarshadkarim |
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The only solution is to make Karachi a separate province or a federal territory like Islamabad. Had Ayyub not made the blunder back in 1960 to shift the capital, situation at least for Karachi (which houses most of non Sindhis esp. muhajirs) would have been much much better.