Kolkata
Lethal Legislation
The Waqf Bill is not an isolated law but a part of a pre-documented and escalating effort by the Modi government to coerce, suppress, and ultimately marginalize the Indian Muslims.
India, which was once known globally as the world’s largest democracy, has historically upheld a secular constitution and pluralistic traditions in the past. However, under the rule of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), India’s secular framework is increasingly under siege. The passage of the Waqf Properties (Eviction of Unauthorized Occupants) Bill, commonly known as the Waqf Bill, is not merely a legal reform—it represents a deeper, more insidious strategy: the use of law as a weapon to coerce and suppress the Muslim minority in India.
What is the Waqf Bill?
Waqf properties are religious endowments established by Muslims for charitable, educational, and religious purposes, including mosques, schools, graveyards, and orphanages. Managed by state Waqf Boards under the Waqf Act of 1995, these properties are meant to serve the community in perpetuity.
The newly introduced Waqf Bill gives sweeping powers to Waqf Boards to evict individuals from Waqf properties without civil court intervention. Tribunals, often politically influenced, will handle disputes, and civil courts are explicitly barred from jurisdiction.
Why Is It Being Opposed?
Muslim organizations, scholars, legal experts, and civil rights activists across India view the Waqf Bill as a tool of state coercion—designed not to protect Waqf lands, but to centralize control, disrupt religious institutions, and eliminate legal resistance.
Elimination of Judicial Recourse: The bill bars access to civil courts for eviction disputes, effectively denying citizens the right to a fair trial and placing Muslims at the mercy of politicized tribunals.
State Seizure of Muslim Heritage: Waqf properties include centuries-old mosques and schools serving marginalized communities. The bill enables the state to seize these properties arbitrarily, often under the pretext of encroachment or unauthorized occupation.
Coercion Through Legal Mechanisms: By undermining judicial oversight, the bill creates a climate of fear, discouraging the Muslim community from asserting its rights or expanding its institutions.
A Pattern of Suppression
Since entering politics through the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)—a Hindu nationalist organization—Narendra Modi has pursued a political ideology rooted in Hindutva, a vision of India as a Hindu-only nation. His rise to national prominence has been accompanied by a systematic targeting of Muslims through policies, rhetoric, and institutional control.
Gujarat Pogrom (2002): The Genesis of a Political Strategy
As Chief Minister of Gujarat in 2002, Modi presided over one of the bloodiest communal riots in India’s history. Over 2,000 people—mostly Muslims—were killed, thousands displaced, and entire neighborhoods destroyed. Multiple reports, including those from Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, documented state complicity and police inaction. Survivors accused the administration of inciting mobs and shielding perpetrators.
Though the Indian Supreme Court later cleared Modi, many believe that his silence during the carnage was calculated, consolidating the Hindu vote and setting a precedent for electoral gains through communal polarization.
Use of State Machinery Against Muslims
Under Modi’s premiership, the institutions of state—police, intelligence, courts, and even education—have been used to intimidate and marginalize Muslims. The Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) has been selectively used to arrest Muslim activists and scholars, while hate speech from ruling party leaders goes unpunished.
Notable examples include the arrests of Umar Khalid, Safoora Zargar, and Sharjeel Imam, who were jailed without trial during the anti-CAA protests. Meanwhile, those who incited violence against Muslims, such as BJP politician Kapil Mishra, were never held accountable.
Under Modi, minority scholarship programs have been defunded, Waqf institutions have faced scrutiny, and Muslim localities suffer from poor infrastructure and a lack of public services.
The Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), 2019
The CAA excludes Muslims from fast-tracked citizenship, even as it provides the same to Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, and others from neighboring countries. Combined with the proposed National Register of Citizens (NRC), it creates a blueprint for mass disenfranchisement. In Assam alone, 1.9 million people were excluded from the NRC list—many of them Muslims.
Protests erupted nationwide, led by students and women, most notably at Shaheen Bagh, but were met with baton charges, internet shutdowns, and imprisonment.
Revocation of Article 370
In August 2019, the Modi government unilaterally revoked Article 370, stripping Jammu & Kashmir of its semi-autonomous status. The region, India’s only Muslim-majority state, was put under military lockdown, with thousands of political leaders and civilians detained and internet access suspended for over seven months.
This move not only violated democratic norms but was perceived as a colonial-style occupation of a Muslim homeland, silencing dissent through force and fear.
Criminalizing Muslim Identity
In BJP-ruled states, Muslim cultural and religious practices have come under attack:
• Hijab bans in Karnataka excluded Muslim girls from education.
• “Love Jihad” laws criminalize interfaith marriages, targeting Muslim men.
• Madrasas face arbitrary raids and funding cuts, demonizing religious education.
• Even dietary habits are policed: beef bans have led to mob lynchings, with over 50 people killed in cow-related violence since 2015—most of them Muslims.
Economic and Social Marginalization
Muslims continue to rank lowest in education, employment, and income. According to the Sachar Committee Report, Muslims have lower representation in government jobs than Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
Under Modi, minority scholarship programs have been defunded, Waqf institutions have faced scrutiny, and Muslim localities suffer from poor infrastructure and a lack of public services.
Waqf Bill - A Strategic Tool
When placed within this broader pattern, the Waqf Bill becomes more than an administrative reform—it is a strategic move to alienate Muslims further and dismantle their institutional base.
• It erodes the legal autonomy of Waqf Boards.
• It facilitates land grabs of Muslim charitable endowments.
• It strips communities of cultural and religious spaces, accelerating their social erasure.
Muslims fear that, under the guise of legality, the government aims to erase Islamic presence in India’s public and urban life, replacing it with a singular Hindu identity.
Fear, Resistance, and Desperation
Prominent Muslim organizations, such as the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) and Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind, have vocally opposed the bill. Lawyers, students, and clerics argue that it is yet another measure meant to silence a historically marginalized group.
“This is not about land—it is about erasing our history, our presence, and our dignity,” said Maulana Khalid Saifullah, a senior cleric in Delhi. Civil society organizations warn that such measures will not only fuel communal tension but threaten the very fabric of Indian democracy.
Suppression Under the Guise of Reform
The Waqf Bill is not an isolated law—it is part of a well-documented and escalating effort by the Modi government to coerce, suppress, and ultimately marginalize the Muslim population in India. From state violence to legislative discrimination, from hate speech to economic exclusion, Indian Muslims are witnessing the dismantling of their rights and representation.
India today stands at a crossroads. Will it uphold the constitutional values of equality, justice, and secularism? Or will it slide further into majoritarian authoritarianism, where law becomes a tool of oppression rather than protection?
For Indian Muslims, the struggle continues—not just for property or identity, but for existence with dignity and justice in the land they have called home for over a thousand years.
Based in Islamabad, the writer is the founding chair of GSRRA, a researcher at the Global South Economic and Trade Cooperation Research Center, and a non-resident fellow of CCG. He can be reached at awanzamir@yahoo.com
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