Dhaka
Changing Perception
Bangladesh finds itself at a crossroads. There is a growing realization that external forces, particularly India, fueled the animosity between East and West Pakistan, and the shared history of the two nations cannot be erased.
Recently, there has been a perceptible shift in the attitudes of the Bangladeshi populace towards Pakistan. This transformation, though gradual, marks a significant turn in the historical relationship between the two nations. To understand the present, it is imperative to revisit the past—one shaped by shared struggles, political upheaval, external manipulations, and the quest for national identity.
Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founding father of Pakistan, was instrumental in leading the movement for a separate Muslim state in the Indian subcontinent. Interestingly, the role of Bengal in this freedom struggle was far from negligible. In fact, Bengal, particularly the Muslim population of East Bengal (now Bangladesh), was one of the strongest proponents of the idea of Pakistan. Jinnah’s vision was embraced by many in Bengal who sought to safeguard their cultural and religious identity in the face of rising Hindu nationalism within the broader Indian independence movement.
The Muslim League, under Jinnah’s leadership, found significant support in Bengal. The Lahore Resolution of 1940, which laid the foundation for the creation of Pakistan, was supported vehemently by Bengal’s Muslim leaders. Prominent Bengali leaders like Khawaja Nazimuddin, Suhrawardy, and Fazlul Huq played critical roles in advocating for a separate homeland for Muslims. Bengal, being one of the largest and most populous provinces, was pivotal in securing the mandate for the creation of Pakistan.
The struggles of Bengal’s Muslims, who lived under both economic and social marginalization during the British Raj, aligned with the broader narrative of the subcontinent’s Muslims seeking autonomy. However, after the creation of Pakistan, this alignment slowly began to unravel.
After the creation of Pakistan in 1947, the very fabric that had united East and West Pakistan during the freedom movement began to fray. The geographical separation of over 1,000 miles between East and West Pakistan was not just a physical divide, but one that would manifest politically and culturally as well. While West Pakistan, dominated by Punjabis and Urdu-speaking Muhajirs, became the political and military center of power, East Pakistan, predominantly Bengali, found itself sidelined despite having a larger population.
The language controversy further aggravated the situation. West Pakistan declared Urdu as the national language of the country, a decision met with staunch opposition from East Pakistan, where the majority spoke Bengali. It is imperative to note that Urdu was not the mother or ethnic tongue of any provincial or ethnic group living in West Pakistan. Probably one of the reasons to declare it as the country’s national language. It was to provide one common and perhaps uncontroversial platform for all ethnicities to communicate. The demand for recognizing Bengali as a national language was not merely a linguistic issue but a symbol of the larger discontent brewing in the East. As Rabindranath Tagore once said, “The highest education is that which does not merely give us information but makes our life in harmony with all existence.” This sentiment echoed in the hearts of Bengalis, who felt their identity and culture were being erased in the name of national unity.
External forces, particularly India, skillfully manipulated this discord, seeing an opportunity to destabilize Pakistan by fanning the flames of Bengali nationalism. India’s interference became more pronounced over time as narratives of economic exploitation by West Pakistan began to dominate the discourse in East Pakistan. The claim that the revenue from jute production, a major export from East Pakistan, was being used to build infrastructure in West Pakistan, particularly Islamabad, served to deepen the chasm between the two regions.
India’s role in sowing discord between East and West Pakistan cannot be understated. Through covert and overt means, India sought to weaken Pakistan from within. The economic grievances of the Bengalis were amplified, and the perception that West Pakistan was exploiting East Pakistan became a dominant theme in political rhetoric.
The creation of the Mukti Bahini, a Bengali nationalist guerilla force with substantial support from India, marked a turning point. This force, armed and trained by the Indian military, waged a violent struggle against the Pakistani army and West Pakistani settlers in East Pakistan. The atrocities committed during this time on both sides exacerbated the bitterness, with many Bengalis viewing West Pakistan as an occupying force rather than a part of their nation.
During a recent seminar in Dhaka, Professor Shaid uz Zaman addressed military officers with a statement of immense strategic importance: “We have to develop a Nuclear Treaty with Pakistan. Pakistan is the most reliable and trustworthy security ally of Bangladesh. This is exactly what the Indians don’t want us to believe.”
The India-Pakistani War of 1971, which led to the creation of Bangladesh, saw the full culmination of this hostility. The Mukti Bahini, supported by the Indian army, successfully defeated the Pakistani military, leading to the surrender of General A.A.K. Niazi in Dhaka on December 16, 1971. This defeat, however, was not just a military one but also a psychological blow to the very idea of Pakistan as envisioned by Jinnah.
Following the creation of Bangladesh, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, leader of the Awami League and the foremost figure of the Bengali nationalist movement, took power. Hailed as ‘Bangabandhu’ or ‘Friend of Bengal,’ Mujib was initially seen as the savior of the newly independent nation. However, it was not long before his rule became synonymous with authoritarianism and economic mismanagement.
Mujib’s oppressive policies, including the establishment of a one-party state and the suppression of political dissent, soon disillusioned many in Bangladesh. The very people who had hailed him as the father of their nation turned against him. On August 15, 1975, Mujib was assassinated in a military coup, signaling the end of his reign. The subsequent instability in Bangladesh saw the country grappling with internal strife, military coups, and economic hardships.
With the unfolding of recent events in Bangladesh, especially following the ouster of Hasina Wajid, a changing tide and perception of the Bangladeshi masses has come to the front. The statues and memorials erected in Mujib’s honour were soon desecrated, a stark reflection of the shifting sentiments of the populace. Even the memorial that depicted the surrender of the Pakistani army was smashed to pieces, a symbolic rejection of the bitter past that had once fueled Bengali nationalism.
On September 11, 2024, a significant event took place in Dhaka that marked a watershed moment in the evolving relationship between Bangladesh and Pakistan. For the first time in the nation’s history, a commemoration of the 76th death anniversary of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was held in Urdu language. Speeches and poetry were delivered in his honour, acknowledging his role as the greatest leader not only for Pakistan but for Bangladesh as well.
This event was a stark departure from the previous narrative, which sought to distance Bangladesh from its Pakistani past. The recognition of Jinnah’s leadership and his struggle for the freedom of Muslims in India represented a reconciliatory tone that had long been absent from Bangladesh’s discourse.
This shift reminded me of a personal encounter while serving in the United Nations in 2004. Our officers’ accommodation was next to that of the Bangladeshi officers, and often, we would engage in discussions over dinner. I would ask them two questions that they could never answer:
a. If two brothers decide to part ways due to differences, does this divide would change their dead father as well?
b. If not, then how could Jinnah not be considered their father of the nation, too?
Their inability to answer these questions reflected the confusion that had long clouded Bangladesh’s relationship with its past. By adopting the name ‘Bangladesh,’ the nation had, in a sense, distanced itself from the idea of Pakistan, even though they had been an integral part of the struggle for its creation. Had they wished, they could have retained the name Pakistan with a different prefix (or akin to North and South Korea), being in the majority and preserving the legacy of their father, Jinnah.
Today, Bangladesh finds itself at a crossroads. On the one hand, there is a growing realization that external forces, particularly India, fueled the animosity between East and West Pakistan. On the other hand, there is a recognition that the shared history of the two nations cannot be erased.
During a recent seminar in Dhaka, Professor Shaid uz Zaman addressed military officers with a statement of immense strategic importance: “We have to develop a Nuclear Treaty with Pakistan. Pakistan is the most reliable and trustworthy security ally of Bangladesh. This is exactly what the Indians don’t want us to believe.”
This statement signifies a dramatic shift in the political and military thinking of Bangladesh. It reflects a growing awareness that the interests of Bangladesh and Pakistan are more aligned than they are opposed. The age-old differences, once sown by Indian machinations, are gradually being cleared, paving the way for a new era of brotherhood between the two nations.
The historical ties between Bangladesh and Pakistan, forged in the fires of a shared struggle for independence, have been strained by decades of political manipulation and external interference. However, as the recent events demonstrate, there is hope for reconciliation. The commemoration of Jinnah in Dhaka, coupled with calls for stronger military and strategic ties, marks the beginning of a new chapter—one in which the two nations may yet find common ground, not as adversaries, but as brothers.
The writer is a historian and a critical analyst. He can be reached at arslan9h@gmail.com
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A comprehensive statement of past and present developments relating to Bangladesh and Pakistan. The newer ideas and thoughts from Bangladesh should be well corresponded from Pakistan. After all we are just like two brothers with a common father.
Very informative and well-written!
Thanks to the author (Muhammad Arsalan) for crafting this masterpiece writing which is an expression of peaceful desire of a large number of people in both the countries.
The author’s insightful exploration of reconciliation between Pakistan and Bangladesh is both timely and visionary.
Emphasizing historical ties and shared interests offers a practical path forward for both nations.
As diverse populations on both sides yearn for peace, mutual cooperation can unlock significant benefits, from economic growth to regional stability.
By encouraging fresh dialogue and a renewed partnership, the author rightfully advocates for a future where understanding and collaboration prevail, marking a new chapter in the relations of these two important South Asian countries.
A good article and needs much more reader reach. It would have been better if this article has been published in some known newspapers like DAWN, The Express Tribune and The News etc. South Asia Magazine is quite unknown publication and surprisingly it doesn’t have any postal address and contact numbers. I just opened its Contact and found only its google location
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