Colombo
The Way Forward
Bold decisions could lead Sri Lanka to economic salvation. The government should build trust over competence and pursue judicial practices to get the ball rolling.

The fast-changing dynamic in the growing polarization of the global order is the defining feature of the year 2022. I reckon I speak for the majority that our initial expectation was of relative normalcy after wading through those two pandemic-riddled years. However, ever since Russia invaded Ukraine in February, the world has been on a constant rollercoaster - jostling from one crisis to another in succession. Without a doubt, this year would go down as a historic anomaly on multiple dimensions - probably even giving the year 2020 a run for its money. But it is chilling to realize that the sheer scale of global instability has rendered the collective world relatively desensitized. A stark manifestation of this reality is the widespread indifference towards Sri Lanka - a country once touted as an economic paragon in developing South Asia but now rapidly fading into oblivion
Only months ago, Sri Lanka was the talk of the town. Its brewing political crisis was the fulcrum of headlines across the globe. The populist uprising against the ousted President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his family-embedded cabinet was a hot-button topic. And the announcement of Sri Lanka’s sovereign debt default - on its entirety of external debt of circa $51 billion - was a focal point among economists to highlight the risks of aggressive policy tightening in the United States. Yet, after Sri Lanka declared bankruptcy, hardly any advanced economy stepped forward to extend a helping hand. Counter-intuitively, the $2.9 billion bailout loan is still awaiting final approval from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) board. To date, India has provided assistance to the tune of $4 billion in fuel supplies and credit lines, while China has pledged emergency support of approximately 500 million yuan - roughly $74 million. Is it enough to survive, let alone stabilize the debilitated economy from a socioeconomic catastrophe? Not even close!
The queues lining outside the petrol pumps in Colombo have reduced down to a fraction of the absolute worst experienced this summer. But while the crisis is out of mainstream coverage, Sri Lanka is unfortunately not out of the stranglehold of its economic misery. Despite a recent reduction in fuel prices, petrol is still twice as costly as last year; diesel is almost four times the amount it cost in December 2021. Public transport has returned to routine operation. But fares have doubled due to a shortage of fuel. According to the estimates posited by the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL), Colombo Consumer Price Index (CCPI) measured inflation reached 66% in October and food inflation sustained at over 85% on a year-on-year basis. Experts believe inflation is far higher than official data suggests.
A blend of irresponsible government policies, aftershocks of the pandemic, and the roiling global energy and food markets have pushed Sri Lanka to the point that its usable foreign currency reserves amount to a mere $300 million - down by 96% from $7.6 billion reported in 2019. Thus, the incumbent government, under the fragile leadership of President Ranil Wickremesinghe, is forced to strictly ration fuel imports in favour of food and medicinal supplies. Speaking at a panel discussion at the Abu Dhabi International Petroleum Exhibition and Conference, Kanchana Wijesekera, Sri Lanka’s Minister of Power and Energy, wistfully voiced his concerns: “It has been a tough ten months for Sri Lanka. We are still seeking financial assistance from oil-producing countries, [but] have not secured any aid, apart from an existing deal with India.”
It is a shameful awakening for the world absorbed in a geopolitical tussle, fretting over European energy security when countries in Asia are suffering. Ironically, Asian countries then get browbeaten for approaching Russia and China for assistance. How is this fair?
I agree that the populist fiscal policies of the former regime fomented the economic crisis of Sri Lanka. It is partly also a consequence of erecting white elephants that were economically unviable and led headfirst into heavy reliance on Chinese loans. But why would any country opt for expensive commercial loans if western multilateral institutions are truly accommodative? Because they are just as predatory! The IMF would exact painful economic measures in the guise of ‘restoring macroeconomic stability and debt sustainability’ rather than bail out a teetering economy on the cusp of a humanitarian crisis. The Western world would incessantly rail at China for resisting debt relief but wouldn’t step forward to fend off an energy crisis. All because Sri Lanka doesn’t satisfy any geopolitical interest or offer leverage over a regional rival.
True, reforms are the need of the hour, and political scrutiny is pivotal to consolidating the fraying socioeconomic fabric of Sri Lanka. But economic restrictions could spark social unrest again after months of receding tensions. Hence, to strive for stability, global creditors should cooperate with China to collectively wean Sri Lanka off its crippling debt cycle. The focus should be to avail refinancing options or deferral in repayments instead of pushing for loan restructuring. Moreover, humanitarian recourse is imperative to stave off a burgeoning food crisis.
According to a World Bank report, the Sri Lankan economy would likely contract by over 9% in the current fiscal year and shrink further by almost 4% next year. Earnings from tourism - the mainstay revenue stream of the Sri Lankan economy - are likely to remain lukewarm due to the imagery of violent protests still fresh in the minds of prospective visitors. The flow of remittances would likely remain depressed due to the growing recessionary headwinds in the world. Thus, the Sri Lankan regime has limited choices (if any) to resurrect its economy from the dumps.
In the short run, it is wise to seek assistance from OPEC countries, perhaps in the form of fuel supply on deferred payments. It is also crucial to save hard currency inflows for essential imports and emergency needs. Therefore, the government should continue to broach an energy deal with Russia and China. Due to sanctions on Russia and a Covid-induced industrial slowdown in China, excess fuel could probably flow to Sri Lanka on discounted (or even deferred) payments. These measures would plausibly sustain the fuel supply to Sri Lanka without imperilling its meagre foreign currency reserves.
In the long run, only bold decisions could lead Sri Lanka to economic salvation. The Sri Lankan government should build trust over competence and judicial practices to get the ball rolling. The regime should empower the Sri Lankan elite - and the affluent Sri Lankan Diaspora - to invest in strategic assets instead of redundant infrastructure projects. Building oil refineries could be a worthwhile endeavour to safeguard against future energy deficits while earning precious foreign exchange in petroleum exports. Furthermore, the government should seek concessional loans from bilateral and multilateral lenders to diversify Sri Lanka’s export base and industries. Ultimately, the country should aim to enthuse confidence in the global financial markets by switching to an export-led/investment-infused growth model. But foremost, any Sri Lankan government should build this framework on the foundation of a merit-based and corruption-immune system that invites progress instead of aid and apprehension.![]()

The writer holds a Bachelor’s degree from the Institute of Business Administration (IBA), Karachi. He can be reached at szainabbasrizvi.14122@khi.iba.edu.pk
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