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Region

Politics of Avoidance

A surprise visit by the Chinese President to Tibet last July commemorated the 70th anniversary of the peaceful liberation of the region. It also raised speculations that have been fuelled by a long history of strife.

By Taha Kehar | September 2021


In an unexpected move, China’s President Xi Jinping arrived in the Tibet Autonomous Region in July. The event marked a watershed moment as no presidential visit from China has been made to the politically sensitive region since 1990. During his official tour, Xi Jinping visited the Drepung monastery in Tibet’s capital Lhasa and the public square near Potala Palace, the former residence of the exiled Dalai Lama. The president also paid a visit to Nyingchi to inspect the upper stream of the Bramaputra River where China is building a contentious dam.

The surprise visit, which commemorated the 70th anniversary of the so-called ‘peaceful liberation of Tibet’, raised speculations that have been fuelled by a long history of strife. It is difficult to forget the fact that China has rejected Tibet’s government-in-exile. What’s more, China harbours suspicions about the Dalai Lama’s separatist tendencies and ostensibly wants to be part of the process of selecting Tibet’s next spiritual leader.

Be that as it may, Xi Jinping’s unannounced trip to Tibet sounded alarm bells for China’s neighbours. The visit sparked concern in New Delhi as it came at a time when China and India are embroiled in a military standoff in eastern Ladakh. In addition, the power corridors in Nepal - a country that also shares a border with Tibet - were also rattled by the Chinese president’s visit.

Nepal hosts a large population of Tibetan refugees who fled Tibet after China quelled an uprising in 1959. As a result, the status of Tibet exerts a strong influence on Nepal’s relations with China.

At the outset, Nepal’s relationship with China has been predicated upon a blanket acceptance of a ‘One China policy’. If a treaty signed in 1956 between both countries is to serve as a gauge, Kathmandu recognizes Tibet as a part of China. Any conflicts within the region are, therefore, considered China’s internal affair.


Nepal hasn’t shied away from quashing any resistance on its soil against China by Tibetan refugees. For decades, a conscientious attempt has been made to reassure Chinese leaders who make official visits to Nepal about the country’s unswerving commitment to the ‘One China policy’. These assurances have been used as bartering chips as they allow Nepal to obtain Beijing’s support in preserving its own sovereignty and territorial integrity.

However, Nepal is a relatively small country in South Asia and cannot risk being caught in the middle of conflicts between major stakeholders. In 1979, Nepal’s abiding relations with China were heavily compromised when India collaborated with the CIA to incite a rebellion that threatened Nepal’s sovereignty.

Since then, Nepal has exercised vigilance and drastically altered its policies towards Tibetans who are seeking refuge on its soil. Deprived of civil rights, these refugees remain largely undocumented on Nepal’s soil. The exiled community has been subjected to excessive surveillance and viewed as a security threat. Many Tibetan refugees are even believed to be involved in dubious activities that are bankrolled by India and the US.

Nepal is increasingly under pressure from Western elements to accord legal status to Tibetan refugees and grant them fundamental rights. Kathmandu, which has not ratified the 1951 Refugee Convention or the Refugee Protocol of 1967, feels no compulsion to accept these demands. Instead, the country appears to have brought various aspects of its legal framework into compliance with the security agreements it has signed with China. Aligned closely with a stringent system of border control, these laws have ensured that Tibetans who cross the border and enter Nepal are denied the opportunity to seek refuge in the country.

In October 2019, China had urged Nepal to sign an extradition treaty that would permit troublesome Tibetan refugees to be deported to China. Western powers succeeded in thwarting the treaty and the Chinese president was miffed by their excessive interventions in regional affairs. Even so, China redoubled its efforts and consolidated its position in Nepal by investing in highways, airports and hydropower projects.

At this critical juncture, Nepal believes that its landlocked terrain is steadily becoming the site for a geopolitical conflict over Tibet with multiple stakeholders.

Xi Jinping’s visit to Tibet came at a difficult stage for Nepal as a new premier had assumed public office. Moving forward, Sher Bahadur Deuba - the new PM who has also served as prime minister in the past - will have to prevent Nepal from becoming the epicenter of geopolitical crisis over Tibet.

KP Sharma Oli, his predecessor, was vehemently opposed to any activities against China from within Nepal. Meanwhile, Deuba may attract suspicion for his avowedly pro-India stance. In 2016, photographs of Deuba with a Tibetan leader surfaced on social media and sparked a controversy after which he was forced to reaffirm his belief in the ‘One China policy’.

The incumbent prime minister will need to work twice as hard to assuage China’s doubts as the spectre of his past may work to his disadvantage. At this stage, Kathmandu needs to reaffirm its original stance that Tibet is China’s internal issue. The focus should instead remain on maximizing the economic gains reaped from Chinese investment in Nepal.

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