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Road to Nowhere

Despite the Gen-Z movement, the state machinery in Nepal is still intact

By Dr. Pushpa R. Joshi | January 2026


Over the last three and a half months, the political developments in Nepal have revolved around the Gen-Z movement that set ablaze state and private properties worth billions and toppled the government within a few hours on September 9, 2025. The Gen-Z protest did not have a discernible face; hence, the young protesters selected septuagenarian former Chief Justice Sushila Karki to represent the Gen-Z and advocate for their demands. Ultimately, on September 12, Sushila Karki became the first woman to serve as the executive head of Nepal.

The appointment of Sushila Karki as Prime Minister blatantly breached the Constitution that strictly forbids a sitting or retired Chief Justice or Supreme Court judge to assume a political office, including the position of minister or prime minister. Despite this fact, Sushila Karki’s extra-constitutional appointment as Prime Minister – a soft coup de-état - was conditionally accepted by the public due to her nearly spotless record as chief justice in the past. She was acknowledged by the people as the ambassador of good governance who would implement systemic reforms and streamline Nepal’s persistent political chaos.

Unfortunately, the expectations of the people were short-lived as Prime Minister Karki, on her first address to the nation, clearly conveyed that her sole responsibility is to hold elections scheduled for March 5, 2026, and hand over the power to the next government. She hinted that other issues, such as the investigation of persistent state-sponsored corruption and atrocities committed by the state against the Gen-Z protesters, are not her priorities. However, some high-level corruption cases that were veiled by the past governments are being reopened of late. But the pace of the government is not sufficient enough to match the expectations of the people.

More than half the stipulated term of the government has already elapsed. Unfortunately, the first three months of the government were not encouraging. The government formed on a banner of good governance is marred by several controversies, mirroring the failures of its predecessors. The Attorney General appointed by Prime Minister Karki is alleged to have withheld the judicial prosecution against the alleged illegal activities of a fertility clinic in which she holds shares, constituting a clear conflict of interest. In addition, the Prime Minister herself was criticized by the public for appointing her close aide and his family members to the Prime Minister’s Secretariat. Furthermore, the media have raised allegations against some of the ministers, accusing them of financial misconduct that harmed the country.

Nepal has been plagued by bad governance, state-sponsored corruption, and entrenched oligarchy for many decades. The current government formed on the background of the violent Gen-Z movement was expected to break this shackle. Seventy-six young protesters were killed, and state and private properties worth billions were set ablaze within two days during the Gen-Z movement. Hence, it should have been the sole responsibility of the government to contemplate the essence of the Gen-Z movement. The mere continuance of the previous governments was not the mandate of the current government.


The performance of the government seems to be affected by a lack of political experience and a careerist approach of the ministers. Moreover, despite the Gen-Z movement, the state machinery is still intact. A major section of the bureaucracy and security forces still constitutes the well-wishers and beneficiaries of established political parties. Over that, the so-called Gen-Z leaders and activists seem to disrupt the regular activities of the government by imposing their legitimate and/or illegitimate demands. Prime Minister Karki has publicly acknowledged that Gen-Z activists frequently barge into her office or residence unannounced—even at midnight—to present their demands. These hurdles are obstructing the performance of the government.

The fate of the Sushila Karki government lies in the Supreme Court’s forthcoming verdict

Recently, the government has signed a 10-point accord with the Gen-Z representatives, officially recognizing the September 8–9 protest as a People’s Movement rather than just unrest. In addition to ensuring rights and protection for those killed or injured during the protests and establishing a high-level investigation committee to probe the atrocities, the government has also made sweeping governance and system reform promises that appear largely unrealistic. The government formed after the March 5 election will have to take ownership of these commitments. With more than 125 political parties set to contest the ongoing election, the formation of a Gen-Z-favorable government is almost impossible. The odds are high that the new government will also be a coalition government with established parties being the main stakeholders. Hence, the good governance as expected by the people seems a distant reality.

Over that, the future of the government lies on the verdict of the Supreme Court, as the two largest parties, as per the past elections – Nepali Congress and Communist Party of Nepal UML - have separately filed writ petitions challenging the legality of the current government. Given that the government was formed extra-constitutionally and that the political parties challenging its legality held nearly a two-thirds majority in the dissolved House of Representatives, the likelihood of a Supreme Court verdict against the current government is high. Hence, the fate of the Sushila Karki government lies in the Supreme Court’s forthcoming verdict.

The time is running out. Hence, learning the lesson from the first half, the government should remodel its approach in accordance with the essence of the Gen-Z movement and to the expectations of the people. Irrespective of the pending Supreme Court verdict, the first and foremost action of the government should be to investigate the alleged misconduct of the members of the Prime Minister’s team, including the Attorney General, and the culprits should be prosecuted and penalized. With the constitution temporarily suspended, the government needs to develop a system to tackle and rectify past state-sponsored corruption on a fast track. Holding elections on March 5 and subsequent power transfer to the elected government would put the constitution back on track. However, the government seems to have ignored this timeline, and the pace and activities of the government hint that the government is vying for a tenure extension, a move that could prove politically self-destructive.

Alas, the government that pledged good governance has fallen well short of its commitments so far, and is slowly and steadily heading towards nowhere.

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