Cover Story
Pyrrhic Victory
The world will likely see a more humbled and compromising Modi in his governance style, as he will have to accommodate the two partners seemingly supportive of Muslims.
The results of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections in India have been nothing short of a bombshell for critics and supporters of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) alike. No one believed that this strongly right-wing party, led by a man who has been considered highly charismatic by local and international opinion leaders and almost worshipped at home by hard-line Hindus, would lose so many seats, many of which it had won the last two elections. Indeed, he has slowly and consistently projected himself as an avatar, having been sent by the gods as an emissary to lead India and to make it a global power.
It would not be wrong to say that internationally at least, he has achieved the unachievable. Ten years ago, he was refused a US visa due to his role in the Gujarat massacre of Muslims; a few years later, he was welcomed at the White House with open arms. Despite his blatantly expressed hatred of minorities, especially Muslims, and the policies he has been implementing that are discriminatory against non-Hindus, he has been dined and wined by Muslim countries such as the UAE and Saudi Arabia.
Indeed, he has been following an almost Israel-like strategy towards Kashmir in his attempts at apartheid and settling non-Kashmiri Hindus, stripping Kashmir of its special status and clamping down on all forms of dissent. He has jailed opposition leaders and journalists who did not tow his line. To the extent that the judiciary, the media as well as the business community all spewed venom against his arch enemy, Pakistan, which he uses as a horse to be beaten around election time. He was declared innocent in the Gujarat killings, and no Muslim who dared to challenge him in courts has had any relief to date. He decried the ideals of Nehru and Gandhi and reduced the famed Indian Constitution to mere paper that would be soon changed once he had his majority in his third term.
For a decade, he ruled as the Hindu Supremo, riding upon the wave of Hindu nationalism, inciting young and old people alike to the greatness of Hindu mythology, even re-writing history and science books. His populism has taken him to such great heights that he has become larger than himself, an idol to be kept alongside Ram, Krishna, and other deities in puja ghars.
Not anymore. He has lost a large number of seats to a coalition of opposition parties led by Rahul Gandhi, particularly in the states where it has enjoyed massive popularity, including Uttar Pradesh. He claimed he would win 400 seats, which would have been more than enough for him to change the Constitution. Instead, he has landed a mere 240 seats. This number would rise to 293 after the seats of his two coalition partners, the two regional secular parties, the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) and Janata Dal (United), or JDU, forming the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) party, are added. This is still inadequate for him to bulldoze any major policy or to continue to act in the strongly authoritarian manner he has been using throughout. Political analysts claim that we are likely to see a more humbled and compromising Modi in his governance style, as he will have to accommodate the two partners who are seemingly supportive of Muslims.
The fact is that Narendra Modi, despite his intelligence, failed to read the mood of the public. He used the same old tactics: inaugurating a hastily scrambled Ram temple at the site of the Babri Mosque that had been razed by Hindu fanatics in 1992, raising the spectre of Pakistani-sourced terrorism, and claiming his religious connection to Hindu gods. He did not realise that Indians faced high inflation and unemployment throughout his reign. He has alienated the farmer community by curbing extensive and consistent farmer’s protests. As a result, he lost in Ayodhya and Maharashtra — losses that would have been laughed at before the elections.
Then there were the issues of his discriminatory policies against Muslims and other minorities, the Dalits, people from tribal areas, and other castes. The coalition of opposition parties, led by the Indian National Congress, focused on the real issues of ordinary Indians, including farmers and the youth. Rahul Gandhi used a strategy that appealed to people’s real concerns: inequalities and the economy. The result was a win of 232 seats, only eight less than the BJP. This is an astounding development, showing how populism can have only a small shelf life, and democracies demonstrate the power of the voter, as has been evident in Pakistan, too, although the results were forcibly changed.
While there has been a climate of fear in India, Ashutosh Varshney, director of the Saxena Center, says that it may not have been strong enough for voters to select the BJP, although they were quiet before the elections. On the other hand, Gandhi vowed to rule according to the strongly secular constitution. Contemporary South Asia at Brown University says, “In every rally — every single rally — Rahul Gandhi had a copy of the constitution in his hands.”
Not only has Narendra Modi been weakened, but his staunch upholders of Hindutva, Yogi Adityanath and Amit Shah, have shown poor performance.
The other aspect of these results is that there is now a strong opposition composed of many parties, though their approach to collaboration on the assembly floor is untested. If they can manage their differences, the BJP will likely be unable to push through any major amendments to the Constitution.
It would be important to look out for the government’s relations with its neighbours. No change is expected in India’s approach towards Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, and Bhutan. A cold relationship with the Maldives may also continue. Still, the real test of the extent to which the opposition and BJP’s allied parties can influence foreign policy would be towards Pakistan and China. With Pakistan, relations have dropped to their lowest nadir during the BJP rule, and there are major border issues with China. Will India respond positively to Pakistan’s overtures? Not if Modi can help it. The rigged election results in Pakistan have not helped matters since now the reins of this country are firmly in the military hands.
“Modi has only ever ruled with large majorities, centralised power, and without coalition compulsions. Can he adapt? The answer could shape India’s next government,” writes Yashraj Sharma in Al Jazeera:
This is the question that analysts have tried to answer, but to no avail. Modi is not known for cooperation and compromise. Can he govern with other parties or attempt to keep them on his side by offering ministerial posts with no real power? Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay, Modi’s biographer, says that if he wants to behave the way he has for the last ten years, he will have to vacate the office. “Modi will need to come up with a personality that is humble and open to working with others – a side of him we have never seen.”
Not only has Modi been weakened, but his staunch upholders of Hindutva, Yogi Adityanath and Amit Shah, have shown poor performance. The BJP will likely continue its national rhetoric, but, as Dr. Chietigj Bajpayee of Chatham House says, its weakened mandate will somewhat control its divisive policies. At the same time, the fact that it will form the government will ensure some continuity and stability
The writer is a development professional, researcher, translator and columnist with an interest in religion and socio-political issues. She can be reached at nikhat_sattar@yahoo.com
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