Cover Story
Horses for Courses
Fair and free national elections in February next year can be a defining moment for Pakistan and set the tone for better prospects for the future.
Though it sounds theoretically wrong but practically right, the role of the Armed Forces in Pakistani politics has always led to exciting outcomes since the men in khaki, when in power, have fared better than their civilian counterparts, especially when it comes to economic revival and development. Is it because of the competence of the Armed Forces or the incompetence of the democratically-elected leadership that keeps failing Pakistan on the economic front again and again?
The chronic challenges Pakistan faces at the economic, political, and strategic levels are a cumulative result of its lack of democratic ethos, weak and corrupt-ridden governance, and a very hostile strategic environment.
After independence in 1947, South Asian countries opted for democratic governance, but few, and Pakistan, among them, faltered as they failed to establish a sound democratic structure. This resulted in the dominance of the military and bureaucracy in governance. Close to nearly half its life of 76 years, Pakistan has been ruled directly by the military and the remaining half under its domineering influence during democratic governments. So, it is not surprising that many, even among the educated class in this modern age, feel nostalgic for military rule and yearn for its return.
In Pakistan, clamping down on corrupt politicians, even banning certain political parties, is considered a “cleaning” process of eliminating the corrupt and starting anew. However, these moments of joy in installing a military or a docile civilian government have been short-lived. The military government must rely on civilian officers and staff for initial and subsequent guidance. Some military officers pick up the basics and even the intricacies of civilian governance, but a different culture and lack of background come in the way.
When the military takes over, which has occurred four times since independence, there is a sigh of relief, and people’s expectations are raised. No doubt, some military rulers, initially for one or two years, have done somewhat better than political leaders in terms of governance. Still, none of them were able to retire typically. They were literally pushed out and faced an ungraceful exit. The greatest challenge for a military ruler has been how to hand over power and to whom. When they had opted for elections, there were allegations of manipulation, and it backfired and failed to bring stability.
One can understand the frustration and disappointment of military leadership when the country suffers due to inadequate civilian governance, as it also affects security. But the remedy to correct course is by addressing the failings and not revert to the military’s capture of power. One among other reasons for Pakistan’s structural weaknesses and lagging has been the civilian leadership’s undemocratic ethos of seeking the support of the army leadership to catapult them into power and sustain their dominance. Even those leaders whose slogan was to respect the voter’s choice now fall back on the army to gain leverage. So, suppose our leadership delves deeper into Pakistan’s present disarray and initiates self-correction. In that case, the incoming elections will allow the government to steer it toward giving credibility and substance to the electioneering slogans.
The most serious issue for the incoming government would be to address the structural weaknesses of the economy that have seriously impacted the quality of life of a large percentage of the population. Moreover, it has made the country dependent long-term on foreign assistance and subservient to IMF policy dictates in several ways. In all fairness, it must be acknowledged that most of their guidelines, if implemented faithfully, enforce monetary and fiscal discipline and place the economy on the right trajectory. Although initially slowing it down and increasing the burden on the working class.
Pakistan’s other major weakness is a high percentage of illiteracy and poor standard of education, which thwarts the country from developing a sound industrial and agricultural infrastructure that is compatible with current global standards. Widespread corruption and weak governance while increasing the cost have also affected the quality of our products.
The adverse security situation on the eastern and western borders demands high operational readiness, and placing sufficient troops on the border results in higher operating expenses.
Our experience of seventy-six years and those of other developing countries reminds us that there is no substitute for civilian supremacy and undiluted democratic order. And the ruling elite has to believe and adhere to this fundamental principle. Accountability is at the core of democratic governance; if it is invalid, people’s rights suffer. When military rulers assume power, their accountability primarily rests with the institution. Their conscience and attributes largely govern their conduct.
There are examples in the past when military leadership during military rule and otherwise has come hard on those involved in corruption. Reverting to civilian rule has not been easy and generally managed for a smooth transition as there is the serious question that civilian leadership may not initiate legal proceedings against the initiators of the coup. Meanwhile, lack of continuity and curbing political activity further weaken the political system, and whatever gains were made in the economy are lost, and the political government has to start afresh.
India, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal, and most South American and African countries have democratic governments. After seventy-five years, why do some among us still doubt our ability to be a successful democratic country? Our future lies in strengthening democratic institutions and culture and not vice versa. Fair and free national elections in February next year can be a defining moment for Pakistan and set the tone for better prospects for the future.
The writer is a retired lieutenant general of the Pakistan Army and a former federal secretary. He has also served as chairman of the Pakistan Ordnance Factories Board.
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