Cover Story
Rahul Gandhi has shed his cloak of the remote, arrogant, and unrelatable icon of the Gandhi dynasty and is reaching out to people from all walks of life, especially farmers.
The first general elections in India that were held in 1951-52 saw the Indian National Congress (INC) make an almost clean sweep, bagging 364 of the 499 votes of the Lok Sabha. Its President and Founder, Jawaharlal Nehru, became India’s first Prime Minister, paving the way for his party’s hold over the ballot box and government for the next two decades. With lapses in 1977, 1989, and 1996, it has won eight of the 17 general elections held so far and governed the country for over 54 years. Since 2014, however, it has consistently lost to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the latter winning on the rising tide in favour of the rhetoric of Hindutva and Indian nationalism that has left the famed Nehruvian secular Indian dreams far behind. The ideology vacuum left by the INC over past decades was easily filled up by Hindu religiosity and a poisonous nationalism that painted everyone and everything non-Hindu as an enemy and aberration.
Much has been written about the reasons for INC’s failures, among them being Indira Gandhi’s authoritarian rule, refusal to listen to dissent, clampdown on any suggestions to reform within its structure, and shunning of democratic principles both within the party and in the country. Her assassination in 1984 led to her son Rajiv Gandhi taking up the party’s reigns, but he turned out to be too weak and incapable of turning the party around, in particular, failing to re-establish and reinvigorate its original ideology that envisioned India as an essentially secular, liberal and progressive democracy. Instead, the INC gained a reputation of a dynasty clinging on to power at all costs, turning a deaf ear and a blind eye to attacks on minorities and rewarding nepotism and sycophancy. Even when the leadership mantle passed to Narasimha Rao after Rajiv’s assassination in 1991, the INC’s decline continued, and it lost once again in 1996. It was only when Sonia Gandhi took over and was able to carve out a coalition with like-minded parties that victory was possible in the 2004 and 2009 elections. But Sonia Gandhi, like her mother-in-law, was possessed with the desire to keep the leadership in the family and let her son, Rahul, manage its affairs, training him to take over.
When the BJP completely trounced the INC in the 2014 elections, it was clear to all that the party that had seemed invincible once was in total shambles. It had won a mere 44 out of 545 seats and only 19 percent of the votes. Not only did it lose at the national level, but it also lost in most of the states, even the ones traditionally its stronghold. As recently as September 2022, it was said that the INC was “in a terminal decline.”
Not anymore. Predictions about the possibility of Congress regaining its lost glory were dim early this year, but it has suddenly shone up again.
India has always proudly claimed its status as the world’s largest democracy, a claim that may have been true to some extent until about a decade ago. It has worked relatively well as a federation with self-governed states, independently administered union territories, and has held regular elections every five years. Neither the central nor the state governments have been dismissed, the only exception being Kashmir, whose independent and autonomous state was taken away by the BJP majority Parliament in 2021.
However, since coming into power, Modi and his saffron-clad parliament have adopted a repressive and authoritarian style that has resulted in an almost muzzled media and partisan judiciary. It was not a neutral court that acquitted all accused of the violent Gujarat riots in 2002, and it was not justice that caused the Supreme Court to order the building of the Ram Janmabhoomi temple on the disputed land of the destroyed Babri Mosque in Ayodhya. Divisions have been both created and deepened between various sections of society, in particular, between Muslims, Christians, and Hindus, and the chasm between the poor and rich has widened. Critics claim that the BJP’s official economic figures are false and do not reflect growing unemployment and poverty.
India has always proudly claimed its status as the world’s largest democracy, a claim that may have been true to some extent until about a decade ago. It has worked relatively well as a federation with self-governed states, independently administered union territories, and has held regular elections every five years.
While Modi has tried, and quite successfully, to woo leaders at the international level, including even Saudi Arabia, he remains tainted with the blood of Muslims, not only in Gujarat but also in the lynching of Muslim men at the hands of violent mobs. Modi and his government have demonstrated sheer ineptitude or even indifference to the plight of ordinary Indians. He ignored the violence in Manipur in May this year, making a call for peace only after more than 150 had been killed and over 50,000 displaced; he had orchestrated the conviction of Rahul Gandhi on the flimsy grounds of insulting the term “Modi,” managing to ban him from Parliament for two years, only to be reinstated by the Supreme Court soon after and he is aiming to “unify” Indians through legalizing a uniform civil code in the country. His efforts to rewrite history by erasing all memories and monuments of the Moghul era have won him wide acclaim among rabid Hindu nationalists, but India’s civil society, writers, intellectuals, and social activists have condemned these actions, at the risk of being jailed or even killed.
At the same time, the INC seems to have emerged from the shadows of its past failures. Rahul Gandhi has shed his cloak on the remote, arrogant, and unrelatable icon of the Gandhi dynasty and is reaching out to people from all walks of life, especially farmers, who were some of the worst affected groups by Modi’s pro-mega-corporate economic policies.
BJP has already lost elections in several Southern Indian states and has cause to worry, not only because the INC is rising out of its own ashes but also because the latter has been able to collect more than two dozen parties, including many regional ones, under a single platform, determined to provide an alternative to BJP’s monopoly. These parties are diverse in their manifestos, political vision, and reach, but they are united in a bid to arrest and if possible, reverse the bigoted, extreme right-wing, and anti-minority country that India is becoming. They “sense a fighting chance vis-a-vis a hegemonic BJP under PM Modi.”
The Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA), with an apt and appealing name, may likely capture the imagination of many who have suffered, condemned, or just plain chafed at Modi’s governance style. It seeks to revive and recover the democratic nature and structure of the country and to fight back against “the targeting, persecution, and suppression of our fellow Indians.” At this time, although no official announcement has been made, they seem to have accepted Rahul as their leader and have shown a resolve to share resources and distribute seats amongst themselves depending upon their respective voter strengths. The 2024 elections will see an increase in voters by the millions, many of whom are reeling under inequality and discrimination. Many of INDIA’s regional member parties have strong links with their populations, and they possess both the ability and wish to “check the national party’s deeply un-federal impulses.”
Even if the BJP does manage to win a majority to govern for the third time, chances are that INDIA and Rahul Gandhi will give them tough competition, a situation that had seemed impossible a year ago.
The writer is a development professional, researcher, translator and columnist with an interest in religion and socio-political issues. She can be reached at nikhat_sattar@yahoo.com
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