Cover Story
Practice What You Preach
The era of blank checks is over. So, should it be for our “transactional” relationship with the U.S. which also needs to be rebuilt as a “new deal.”
Historically, Asian regions have had a prominent place in American matrix of its global geo-political and strategic interests. This eastward focus of America’s global power is not something new. It represents the long gravity shift of global economic power from the Euro-Atlantic to the Asia-Pacific regions. And U.S. global objectives are driven, as they would be in the case of any other world power, by the imperatives of its foreign policy. According to Adlai Stevenson, American foreign policy can be depicted just in half a dozen words: American interests, worldwide power and responsibility. As a world power, with its longstanding regional and global interests, the U.S. is no stranger to Asia and retains direct stakes throughout this vast region.
No matter who is at the White House, the U.S. always has the same agenda, encompassing almost all issues of peace and security across the globe with no exception. From my days in Washington, I remember as he orated against the Soviet Union in the 1980s, President Ronald Reagan often quoted form Thomas Paine’s Common Sense with his vision of a United States great enough “to begin the world over again.” With the fin de siècle, it seems, his two Republican successors, George W. Bush at the very onset of the new millennium, and Donald J. Trump, both tried to ‘begin the world all over again’. But in doing so, the former turned it upside down, and the latter spared no effort to turn the world inside out. No wonder, ours is a world in turmoil today.
The new world, America’s world of the new millennium, is woefully chaotic and violent. It remains burdened with the same old problems, perhaps in their acute form. Armed conflict remains pervasive. Historical grievances and outstanding disputes remain unaddressed. Injustice and oppression remain unabated. There is no letup in violence and the causes that breed despair and defiance. Terrorism continues to haunt the world. The war on terror has not gone beyond retribution and retaliation. The most alarming is the U.S. security doctrine based on a wretched policy of “regime change” wherever it so considers necessary to apply for its own good. This doctrine has been pursued with impunity as was seen in the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan.
Both countries now remain even without a semblance of democracy. Syria’s ‘tyrannical’ Assad regime has also been constantly in the germinal line of fire. The latest victim has been our own country, through a conspiracy not by Washington, but as always in the past, by our own domestic civil-military players who, as usual, orchestrated the same game in collusion with the judiciary against Imran Khan who promised to his people a future free of loot and plunder. It was a Greek tragedy being enacted in our country. The last years of Socrates’ life saw Athens experience constant political and economic upheaval. The Thirty Tyrants – a junta who overthrew democracy – ruled for about a year before the return to democracy came about.
At this point it declared a status quo-driven ‘amnesty’ for all recent events. This was like the NRO of today and Socrates challenged it. He spoke the truth and challenged the status quo. Rather than accepting what he perceived as opportunistic power-based immorality within his state, Socrates spoke out against the very popular notion of ‘might makes right’. He believed the state was more important than the rotten Athenian politics. In 399 BC, Socrates stood before a jury of 500 Athenians, accused of “refusing to recognise the gods recognised by the state and corrupting the youth.” The penalty was to be death. After hearing the arguments of both Socrates and his accusers, the jury by a vote of 280 to 220 gave a ‘guilty’ verdict and sentenced him to death.
The Athenian public was totally disillusioned with gross inadequacies of governance, morality and law and order. They were fed up with their corrupt rulers. Socrates understood their pain and anguish. Claiming loyalty to his state, he challenged the course of Athenian politics and society. He praised better governed Sparta, the archrival to Athens, and blamed his own state’s corrupt politics in various dialogues. More than two millennia after his death, alas! Socrates is as relevant as ever. The Greeks are already nostalgic for him and have been turning to the ideas of the same wise man. The situation in Pakistan is no different. It’s the same Athenian scene. A man of integrity, courage and commitment who showed loyalty to his state today faces Socrates’ fate.
When Socrates stood against the immoral politics in his state, the Athenian politicians cried foul in unison claiming democracy was in danger. The same reaction was seen from our own political fraternity which for the first time in history felt seriously threatened. In the process, the situation turned into Frankenstein’s fictional monster challenging its own creator: “I ought to be thy Adam, but I am rather the fallen angel...” But this is not an ‘angel vs devil’ story. It is a chequered story of the country which on its independence was considered “twentieth century miracle” of a state which was fought and won entirely through democratic and constitutional struggle but now left itself to struggle haplessly for genuine democracy and constitutional primacy.
Mohammad Rajpar
Furthermore, in 2015 an initiative called “U.S.-Pakistan Clean Energy Partnership” was signed to promote the development and implementation of clean and renewable energy technologies. Recently, while celebrating 75 years of their bilateral relationship, both the countries formed a Green Alliance, aimed at boosting bilateral cooperation in such crucial areas on sustainable development, clean energy, and climate action. Beyond the energy sector, the U.S.A. Pakistan’s largest trading partners, has provided economic assistance and supported initiatives, especially aimed at promoting entrepreneurship, innovation, economic growth and women’s empowerment in Pakistan.
After the Quaid -e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, it was left without any sense of direction and in a state of political bankruptcy and moral aridity. It started cutting itself into pieces, losing within less than quarter of a century not only its own half but also the very rationale that inspired its founding fathers to struggle for a separate homeland for the Muslims of the sub-continent. Its leaders never inspired hope for a modern, democratic Islamic state that could guarantee socio-economic justice. For the first time in Pakistan’s history after the Quaid-e-Azam, the country saw a new kind of leadership emerging from the 2018 election. Imran Khan came riding on his personal charisma as well as a popular vision of a new Pakistan which was to live at peace with itself and with the rest of the world.
With zero tolerance for militancy under any pretext, Imran Khan foresaw a Pakistan in which economic growth and social justice would reinforce each other, a Pakistan where violence, obscurantism, crime and corruption would be banished forever, where governance would be based on institutionalized decision-making, rule of law, justice, equality and fundaments rights for all, and where strict adherence to the Constitution was to be ensured as a solemn ‘social contract’ enabling the citizens of Pakistan to live their lives and raise their children in dignity, free from fear, want, hunger, disease, illiteracy, corruption, violence, oppression and injustice. He envisioned a Pakistan where democracy, not dictatorship, will endure.
In this backdrop, the last two decades of the U.S.-Pakistan relationship have been a fateful period for us. Our relevance today on the U.S. radar screen is only as an ever-pliant partner in its war on terror and as the key player in its long Afghan war. Beyond this role and relevance, we are seen in Washington and in other Western capitals only as a regional ‘vagabond’ headed by willful and corrupt civil-military rulers, always with a begging bowl in their hand and looking for support to remain in power. From being a major power in South Asia always equated with India, Pakistan today is bracketed with Afghanistan in terms of its outlook, role, needs and problems. We are seen both as the problem and as well as the key to its solution.
Ali Ashraf Khan
Howsoever enigmatic, the U.S.-Pakistan relationship is an important equation. It is time for both sides now to set a better bilateral perspective for this relationship on the basis of universally established norms of inter-state relations. Unfortunately, besides persistent trust deficit, the two countries have had no control over the growing list of irritants some of which could have easily been avoided if both sides were guided by the concept of mutuality in their relationship. Obviously, Washington has its own priorities as part of its larger Asian agenda. For us, given our geopolitical location, the foremost challenge to our foreign policy lay in our ability to withstand America’s pressures without compromising on our national interests. Our slavish rulers never delivered.
Our dilemma was best spelt out by America’s first president George Washington in his farewell address in 1796. Alluding to the fate of small nations that leave themselves at the mercy of larger powers, he cautioned: “An attachment of a small or weak toward a great and powerful nation dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter”. In his view, it was “a folly in one nation to look for disinterested favours from another” because “it must pay with a portion of its independence and its sovereignty for whatever it may accept under that character.” But let’s be honest. The problem is not the US-Pakistan relationship. The problem is its poor and short-sighted management on both sides. For Washington, it remains a transactional relationship.
On Pakistani side, this relationship has been used by its rulers solely as their political and economic crutches, and for their self-serving notorious deals. To them, this relationship is all about their personal interests. It is time to correct this approach. No matter, how enigmatic, the U.S.-Pakistan relationship is an important equation. Because of their respective geopolitical interests, both countries need each other. President Joe Biden had himself admitted the essence of this relationship in 2008 when he was a senator and a presidential aspirant. He then admitted “we’ve got to move from a policy concentrated on one man -- President Musharraf -- to a policy centered on an entire people... the people of Pakistan.”
Even as Obama’s Vice-President, Joe Biden advocated the need for new dynamics in the U.S.-Pakistan relationship with greater mutuality content and people-centred socio-economic development. But given our own governance failures and aggravating credibility crisis, the U.S. made it clear that any future assistance to Pakistan will be performance-based and subject to rigorous oversight and accountability. The era of blank checks is over. So, should it be for our “transactional” relationship with the U.S. which also needs to be rebuilt as a “new deal.” Diplomacy from both sides should be aimed not only at averting conflictual situations but also to strengthen their bilateral relationship by infusing in it greater political, economic and strategic content.
Oh America! When shall thou practice what you preach?
The author is a former foreign secretary of Pakistan.
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Irfan Qureshi
I reminisce celebrating the same in 1976 with fellow students at the University of Houston when the USA had turned 200 after gaining independence in 1776. Like me, many from Pakistan had chosen the U.S. as the destination for higher education. The reason was simple. Having grown up in the period that the world was bipolar with the Soviet Union eyeing developing nations for its influence, it was the likes of Pakistan looking up to America for assistance and cooperation for their development and security. No wonder in the initiative taken by America then, Pakistan joined the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) of 1954 and the Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) of 1955 and playing a vital role. The initial industrialization and progress that Pakistan witnessed at the time, is still referred to as the golden period.