Cover Story
Trump’s ‘Israeli Hurrah’
Durable peace in the Middle East will remain elusive as long as Israel
continues to defy the UN resolutions on the Middle East issue.
The shifting sands of the Middle East have once again opened a discussion on whether Pakistan should revisit its policy towards Israel. In a recent interview, amid speculations, Prime Minister Imran Khan categorically denied his government was considering ‘recognition of Israel‘ and reaffirmed that there was no change in Pakistan’s principled position on Palestine. According to the Foreign Office, Pakistan’s approach on this issue will be guided, as it has always been, by our evaluation of how Palestinians’ rights and aspirations are upheld and how regional peace, realization of legitimate rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to self-determination, are dealt with.
This has been a constant in our foreign policy. There is no reason for anyone to question it.
Pakistan has consistently supported a two-state solution in accordance with the relevant United Nations and OIC resolutions as well as international law, with pre-1967 borders, and Al-Quds Al-Sharif as the capital of Palestine. Former Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf had openly spoken of the immediate pursuit of close diplomatic relations with Israel as soon as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict reached a viable solution. In his view, Pakistan would full-heartedly recognize Israel and come forward to open relations when a two-state solution that gave equal opportunities to the Palestinians and Israelis was achieved and peace was restored. In other words, Pakistan’s recognition of Israel was predicated on a just and lasting settlement of the Palestine issue.
The question, however, arises why this issue is being agitated now when Israel has already been there as an independent state and as a member of the United Nations for over seven decades with an upper hand in every respect over its Arab adversaries. The answer lies in former U.S. president Donald Trump’s decision three years ago, on 6 December 2017, to recognise Jerusalem as Israel’s capital and to move the U.S. embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. This decision was a departure from the known U.S. policy since the recognition of Israel by the United Nations in 1949 and also a blatant violation of the UN resolutions on the Palestinian question. Trump’s ill-conceived decision also risked further inflammation of a region which had already been in turmoil.
The Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu hailed Trump’s announcement as a ‘historic landmark,’ but other major powers, including close Western allies of Washington, such as Britain and France, were openly critical. Leaders from within the Arab and Muslim worlds, and from the wider international community were swift to criticize the move for all its ramifications. Some warned of the ominous potential for violence and bloodshed as a result. Others called it “a dangerous measure that would have repercussions” across the region, and also questioned the future role of the US as a “trusted mediator” in any peace talks. Pope Francis urged all to respect the city’s status quo in accordance with the relevant UN resolutions.
The UN Security Council held an emergency meeting on 7 December where 14 out of 15 members condemned Trump’s decision, but the motion was vetoed by the United States. The only other response from the Muslim countries came a week later with the 57-nation Organization of the Islamic Cooperation (OIC) holding a summit meeting in Istanbul to discuss the situation. Only 22 heads of state and government attended the meeting, including Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, Jordanian King Abdullah II, Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi and Iranian President Hassan Rouhani. The absence of Saudi and Egyptian heads of state showed the deep-seated divisions within the Muslim world. The Arabs did join a ritualistic wailing chorus.
The status of Jerusalem goes to the heart of Israel’s conflict with the Palestinians. The city is home to key religious sites sacred to Judaism, Islam and Christianity, especially in East Jerusalem. Israel occupied the sector, previously occupied by Jordan, in the 1967 Middle East war and regards the entire city as its indivisible capital. The Palestinians claim East Jerusalem as the capital of a future state and, according to the 1993 Israel-Palestinian peace accords, its final status is yet to be determined in the latter stages of the peace talks. The international community does not recognize Israeli sovereignty over Jerusalem and supports a final settlement of the Palestine issue in accordance with UN Security Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 425 (1978).
No other country has its embassy in Jerusalem. Only Trump took the plunge. With no comprehension of history or regard for the special status of the Holy City, for self-serving reasons, he suddenly decided to jolt the Muslim world. He took advantage of his personal wheeling and dealing with the Arab princes in the Gulf to influence them. He has been a canny businessman, who flourished in high-rolling casino gambling. To him, every political decision or a foreign policy initiative was nothing but a profitable transaction, if not a high-wager casino game. He played ‘poker’ four years ago with his own people, and won it. He now tried a repeat, but failed badly. The Americans may still be licking their wounds, but they are lucky they got rid of him.
Earlier, President Trump played the Jerusalem card with the Israelis to enhance his re-election credentials in America’s Jewish lobbies. In this game, playing both the ‘player hand’ and the ‘dealer hand’, Trump did manage to induce, if not pressurize, four of the vulnerable Arab states to recognise the state of Israel. There was a discernable pattern in the sequential recognition of Israel by Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, Morocco and Sudan in the closing months of 2020. The decision by these Arab countries to forge ties with Israel was not about peace, goodwill, friendship or understanding. It was motivated by narrow interests with each having its own security concerns and/or territorial disputes with neighbours.
They were all roped in with U.S. promises of either advanced weapons or diplomatic favours and, in some cases, even security collaboration with Israel against domestic threats to their dynastic rule. Sudan’s decision to recognise Israel was in some ways a course reversal, for it was perceived to be friendly with Iran. Khartoum’s refusal to join the Saudi–Emirati war against the Houthis in Yemen was seen as proof that it didn’t want to spoil relations with Iran. However, the Sudanese regime changed its mind in light of the American offer to take it off its list of terror-supporting states as a quid pro quo for establishing diplomatic relations with Israel. This would give it the much needed political and economic reprieve in engaging with the rest of the world.
It surely was a transactional deal involving quid pro quo’s from Washington in return for Israel’s recognition. Apparently, Iran has been a common bête noire among some of the Arab regimes, especially in the Gulf, and may have been the reason behind these deals. For Palestinians, of course, the Trump-brokered Arab-Israel deals are a betrayal of their cause. Israel has gained acceptance in the region without making any concessions in return. As of December 2020, Israel has received international recognition by 164 of the other 192 UN member states. There are still important holdouts including Pakistan, Malaysia, Indonesia and Saudi Arabia, although the recentdeals do represent the most significant ‘breakthrough’ in the Arab-Israeli conflict since the 1990s.
Malaysia and Indonesia, like Pakistan, remain committed to the Palestinian cause in letter and spirit. Their decision will obviously depend on Israel’s compliance with the relevant UN Security Council resolutions calling for Israeli withdrawal to the 1967 borders and the establishment of an independent Palestinian State with Al-Quds as its capital, living side by side with Israel in security and peace. As for Saudi Arabia, it may have chosen to follow a path that its earlier rulers could never even imagine. It now remains to be seen how the divided Arab countries fulfil their long-declared commitment to the Palestinian cause. It will also be important to see whether President Joe Biden will undo his predecessor’s ludicrous moves on Jerusalem and the Iranian nuclear deal.
No one denies the importance of peace in the Middle East. It would be great if Pakistan can help in this process. But durable peace in the Middle East will remain elusive as long as Israel, like India on the question of Kashmir, continues to defy the UN resolutions on the Middle East issue. For its own part, Pakistan has an obligation, constitutionally as well as in terms of the Quaid’s vision, to remain in solidarity with Muslim causes. But at this point in time, Muslim states are far too divided to evolve a common position in defence of the Palestinian cause, including the Jerusalem issue. The country must not take sides in any intra-Arab feuds or in Iran-Arab disputes. If anything, Pakistan’s role should be one of building bridges and reinforcing Muslim solidarity.
![]() The writer is a veteran Pakistani diplomat, international relations expert and an author. He served as the Foreign Secretary of Pakistan from 1997 to 2000. He also served as Pakistan’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations between 2000 and 2002. He can be reached at shamshad1941 |
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