Punjab, Power, and Plunder

The perception that individuals from other provinces in Pakistan hold animosity towards those from Punjab arises from a complex interplay of historical, political, and socio-economic factors. As the most populous and economically powerful province, Punjab is often viewed as having an outsized influence on national matters, leading to resentment among people from smaller provinces. This sentiment is further exacerbated by the concentration of political power in Punjab, with many of the nation’s leaders and bureaucrats originating from the province. Do you think this perception is accurate? And who is accountable for explaining why such a perception exists?

Before I get into these questions, it is essential to figure out whether similar examples of interprovincial conflicts exist elsewhere. The answer is affirmative—such tensions are not unique to Pakistan only. For instance, Catalonia’s push for independence, driven by its distinct language, culture, and economic strength, has created tensions with other regions of Spain. Many Catalans feel they contribute more to the national economy than they receive in return, fuelling resentment on both sides. Economic disparities between the industrialized North and the agrarian South of Italy have led to stereotypes and mutual disdain. Northerners often view Southerners as lazy and backward, while Southerners see Northerners as arrogant and dismissive of their struggles.

Linguistic and cultural differences, especially economic disparities between the French-speaking Walloons and Dutch-speaking Flemings, have created long-standing tensions. Quebec’s French-speaking population has long harbored a distinct cultural identity, leading to tensions with English-speaking provinces. Between 1992 and 1995, during the breakup of Yugoslavia, ethnic Serbs, Croats, and Bosniaks (Muslims) engaged in a brutal conflict, including the Bosnian genocide, leading to ethnic cleansing and the deaths of over 100,000 people. The Nigerian Civil War, also known as the Biafra War, stemmed from perceptions of political and economic marginalization and led to the deaths of an estimated 1-3 million people, primarily due to starvation.

India carries many examples of this nature. Like the state of Gujarat, communal violence rooted in long-standing religious and cultural tensions caused the death of 1,000 people, with many more displaced. In the last decade, tensions between the local Marathi-speaking population and migrants from northern states like Uttar Pradesh and Bihar were witnessed in Maharashtra, particularly in Mumbai. In Assam, tensions between the indigenous Assamese population and Bengali-speaking Muslims resulted in ethnic violence, such as the 2012 Assam riots, which led to the deaths of around 77 people and the displacement of hundreds of thousands. The longstanding water-sharing dispute over the Cauvery River between Karnataka and Tamil Nadu caused deaths, injuries, and destruction of property. The riots in 1991 were particularly severe, with dozens killed in the violence. The examples show that the nature of conflicts is diverse, but everything boils down to the economy and fundamental human rights.

Now, let’s turn to our local issue. People from smaller provinces perceive inequality, and economic disparities contribute to this perception. Punjab is often seen as receiving a larger share of federal resources than other provinces, intensifying feelings of marginalization in regions like Balochistan, Sindh, and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. This sense of unfairness is also evident in employment opportunities, with many believing that Punjabis have easier access to jobs in the government and other public institutions.

While these perceptions may not hold true for every individual, they are deeply rooted in the collective consciousness due to historical experiences, economic disparities, and manipulation by local political leaders, which sustains a narrative of provincial rivalry. This dynamic may benefit local elites by preserving systems of control and exploitation. As a result, modern unarmed Baloch nationalists advocate for a democratic, socialist system grounded in Islamic universalism. Their demands include the abolition of the sardari-jirga system, free and compulsory education for the Baloch, gender equality for Baloch women, and the promotion of Baloch culture.