Cover Story
Second Independence
Sheikh Hasina was the state. There was no institution and no faction of the government that was not directly controlled by her and for her and, by extension, her family and coterie, with the complete backing and support of India.
On August 5, 2024, Bangladesh experienced what is now commonly known as its second independence, a phrase coined by the new Chief Advisor of its Interim Government, Nobel laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus.
The question is: how and why did the nation of approximately 174 million people need a second independence after 53 years of officially being independent?
The historical backdrop of the Sheikh Hasina administration:
Sheikh Hasina Wajid, the deposed Prime Minister of Bangladesh, and her party, the Awami League, had been in power since 2009. It is widely known that in the last four elections since 2009, she and her party had managed to continuously remain at the helm of power by systematic vote rigging. They knew it, the people of Bangladesh knew it, and the international community knew it.
Being completely backed by India, the West perhaps perceived her as the safest bet, being able to play the “liberal, secular, and business-friendly” card, far from any “Islamic terrorism,” which was the fabricated trend after the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. This was, as we now know, the period of “seeing Bangladesh through the lens of India” period.
However, domestically, the everyday lives of Bangladeshis saw a rapid decline in civic space and any semblance of democracy. Hailed as the upcoming economic “Asian Tiger of South Asia,” Bangladesh fell deeper and deeper into a cycle of authoritarian rule.
A very accurate analogy of what Sheikh Hasina became would be with the 17th-century absolute monarch of France, Louis XIV, who famously said, “I am the state.”
Sheikh Hasina was the state. There was no institution and no faction of the government that was not directly controlled by her and for her and, by extension, her family and coterie, with the complete backing and support of India.
What Bangladeshis experienced was a reign of terror. They were completely stripped of their rights and their freedom of speech, freedom of expression, and freedom of assembly. The opposition parties were decimated, their leaders and supporters kidnapped and or killed, and any form of dissent, even in the form of social media posts, was punishable by the regime’s fabricated rules of subservience to the state, i.e., Sheikh Hasina. These punishments included being tracked by various intelligence agencies and being picked up in the middle of the night and taken to the many detention centers created all over the country to face extreme methods of torture and, at times, death.
The law enforcement and intelligence agencies became tools of the state, being trained and conditioned to dispassionately treat civil society as pawns who could be inhumanly tormented and disposed of if it serves their leader.
Bangladesh saw an exponential rise in enforced disappearances, extrajudicial killings, torture, mass detentions, and a general dismantling of all democratic principles.
It must also be stated that the Sheikh Hasina regime committed several rounds of genocide on Bangladeshis, such as the Pilkhana Massacre and Shapla Chattar, to name two. This would be in addition to the human rights violations committed on a daily basis.
Human rights organizations, including our own, continued to raise alarms and red flags for years, but our cries fell on deaf ears. Apart from the standard “we are monitoring the situation closely” by the international community and the United Nations, there were no efforts to hold the tyrant accountable.
In 2021, there were US sanctions on the abusive paramilitary force, the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), and some individuals associated with human rights violations, but the regime and its leader remained intact.
The student uprising:
In July 2024, Dhaka University students began protesting a Supreme Court decision to reinstate a 30% quota for the descendants of freedom fighters who fought for Bangladesh’s independence in 1971. This quota essentially limited the number of opportunities in government jobs based on merit.
The protests initially began as a response to re-establishing an unfair quota system for government jobs. However, they quickly spread throughout the entire country because of the government’s violent response. Some ministers closest to Sheikh Hasina proudly declared that the government had issued “shoot at sight” orders and asked how dare students question and protest against what the state had decided.
It must also be noted that the discontent regarding the quota system was aggravated by the government’s inability to manage a continued economic downturn, rampant corruption, atrocious human rights violations, and the total absence of a democratic framework. The students protesting had never voted in free and fair elections and had never experienced choosing their leaders.
The straw that broke the camel’s back was Sheikh Hasina’s insult, calling the students the descendants of traitors, a blanket derogatory treatment of the future of the country who only conducted peaceful protests for a better future.
Soon, students from all universities, public and private, and many professors and other members of civil society joined in the protests, which evolved and expanded into much more than a quota system. Now, it was a question of claiming democratic rights and the resignation of an autocrat and her unelected government.
The straw that broke the camel’s back was Sheikh Hasina’s insult, calling the students the descendants of traitors.
The fall of Sheikh Hasina:
Sheikh Hasina committed another genocide, this time on the youth of Bangladesh. Bangladesh was no less than a war zone, with all the country’s dense machinery out to wage war against not enemy invaders but the country’s youth. The state machinery did follow orders and shoot students at sight, even many who were not protesting but just out handing out bottles of water or going out to the market.
Block raids were conducted from building to building, looking for students. Members of law enforcement, plainclothes detectives, and the Bangladesh Chattra League (the student wing of the former ruling Awami League and Sheikh Hasina’s preferred army of thugs who have been unleashed throughout her reign to commit heinous crimes and acts of violence) were deployed to detain, torture and kill students. Internet and power outages were ordered to be able to conduct the genocide without any accountability systematically.
For their part, the students carried out phenomenal resistance. They organized the Long March to Dhaka, during which at least one member of every family from across the country should walk to the capital to surround Sheikh Hasina’s residence and all government buildings. This would be a complete blockade of the streets until Hasina resigned, with the ultimatum that if she did not do so by the 5th of August, the students would break down the gates and enter her residence.
The army and the other armed forces refused Hasina’s orders to conduct a further bloodbath. She was asked by the Chief of Army staff to resign and leave immediately by the military transport organized for her and her sister, but she still refused to resign.
With only 45 minutes left until the students’ deadline to enter her home, she finally resigned and was taken to the place she had been serving all along…India.
The new Bangladesh:
Bangladesh now has an Interim Government headed by the world-renowned Professor Muhammad Yunus with the goal of fixing the country from the utter destruction of the past 15 years. Each and every institution, be it the judiciary, education, the economy, law enforcement, etc., has been destroyed.
Fixing the mess is a colossal endeavor, but the people of Bangladesh and the international community have faith in Professor Yunus’s leadership and his administration.
This is a second independence for Bangladesh, and this time around, the state belongs to its people.
Sabria Chowdhury Balland, based in the United States, is the Executive Director of a US-based human rights organization. She can be reached at scballand@chrdbangladesh.org
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