Cover Story
Takeovers, not Caretakers
The Caretaker Government must be authentically impartial, not an extension of the post-April 2022 arrangement: ECP should take a lead role in ensuring this neutrality.
Political conditions in Pakistan in August 2023 evoke a direct, alarming replay of the conditions created exactly 33 years ago in August 1990. As a Member of the first Cabinet of the world’s first Muslim woman Prime Minister, Benazir Bhutto which took office on 4th December 1988, this writer was a participant in that phase and a first-hand witness to how the concept and conduct of a poll-related Caretaker Government can be shaped by a longer-term, covertly engineered Takeover Government --- well before, and after the scheduled polls.
Using Article 58.2 (B) of the Constitution, a provision introduced through the Eighth Amendment imposed during martial law by General Zia-ul-Haq --- and most reluctantly endorsed by the non-party legislatures elected in February-March 1985 in return for a cessation of martial law by 30th December 1985 --- President Ghulam Ishaq Khan dismissed the Government on 5th August 1990. He dissolved the National and the Provincial Assemblies, accused the ousted Government of corruption, mismanagement, incompetence et al., and announced elections for October 1990.
So far, so good --- or bad, as the case may be, and as per one’s views about the PPP-led coalition of that time. It was how the Caretaker Government of 1990 proceeded to misuse its mandate that prompts association with what has been happening in Pakistan since the ouster of Prime Minister Imran Khan’s PTI-led coalition in April 2022. But memory jogs more precisely during July 2023 when the prospects for the next Caretaker Government are being bandied about. In a sense, the Government of Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif that succeeded the PTI coalition “ Took Over “ the principal instruments of the State --- except for the Armed Forces and sections of the superior Judiciary --- soon after April 2022 with its inimical nature accentuated after the dissolution of the Provincial Assemblies of Punjab and KP in early 2023.
There is one major, yet relatively inconsequential difference between conditions in 1990 and 2022/23. Where in the previous year, President Ghulam Ishaq Khan was clearly hostile to the Government that he dismissed, in the present years, President Arif Alvi is a co-founder of the PTI. However, his personal political affiliation is not accompanied by any vital executive powers. These were first abolished in 1997 with the deletion of Article 58.2 (B), and subsequently, the Eighteenth Amendment of 2010 further denuded the executive powers that President Pervez Musharraf had wielded up to 2008.
2022-23: a replay of 1990:
Yet, even without a powerful President, the PML-N, PPP, JUI - F, and the other PDM member parties’ Federal Government in office since April 2022, and the explicitly partisan Caretaker Governments of Punjab and KP since February -March 2023 are virtually imitating the regimes of August-October 1990 through their blatantly biased actions and words targeting the PTI . Ironically, in 1990, it was the PPP that was the target of the one-sided assault on fair play and justice. And to thicken the irony, the Caretaker Prime Minister was Ghulam Mustafa Jatoi, a veteran and close confidant of Z. A. Bhutto, the founder of the PPP, but alienated from his late leader’s daughter, especially after her return to Pakistan in April 1986.
Immediately after the ouster of the Government on 5th August 1990, multiple charges and cases were registered against PPP leaders, including arrests, harassments, coercive pressures, etc. With PTV and PBC as the only electronic media --- the multiple TV and FM radio channels under the PEMRA law originally drafted by this writer, which were permitted by President Musharraf onwards of March 2002 were still 12 years away --- a vicious campaign to defame the ousted Government was conducted every day on the country’s airwaves. An equitable right of reply was denied or evaded. Officials even remotely suspected of being “loyal” to the ousted regime of 1988-90 were arbitrarily transferred or made OSDs. The bureaucracy, especially at the levels at which officials are deployed for election duty, were packed with hand-picked individuals beholden to the interim Governments.
Most potently, there was overt, unconcealed collusion between GHQ, military intelligence agencies, the Presidency, and the parties and leaders who formed the Caretaker regimes. A glaring aspect of partiality and unfairness was the bizarre fact that Ministers of the Federal and Provincial Caretaker Governments were allowed to be candidates in the October 1990 elections. This gross discrimination provided the official candidates the advantage of obtaining free, daily coverage on PTV and PBC while Opposition candidates did not, for the most part, receive equitable coverage. Further, official candidates enjoyed the luxury of using State facilities of travel and other expenses during their election campaigns that could be covered under “official” duties of the Ministers, without straining their private pockets.
Transgressions of fairness:
Fortunately, in 2023, for better and for worse, the crudity and bias are more open to public exposure and a modicum of accountability due to proliferation of both electronic media and social media, as also to sections of the superior Judiciary. Yet conditions leading up to the mandated dissolution of the legislatures in August 2023 reflect both excess and imbalance. The instances are varied but all are disturbing. The firing on the PTI leaders and the injuries suffered. From the mysterious assassination in Kenya of the courageous journalist Arshad Sharif to the still-unresolved disappearance of journalist Imran Riaz Khan, who outspokenly advocated the PTI perspective to the incredible registration of a murder case against the PTI leader marooned in Lahore and Islamabad at the time of the incident, for the killing of a lawyer in Quetta (who had earlier filed a petition accusing the PTI leader of committing sedition), on the specious grounds that the PTI leader allegedly conspired and directed the murder from afar! The blackout by TV news channels of the name of the PTI leader and, on the other hand, daily, intensive, frequent doses of vitriol by Government Ministers against the previous Government. The curious, intriguing 9th May vandalisms have been used to literally add fuel to the anti-PTI fire --- an awkward yet apt metaphor. The clearly engineered resignations and desertions of many PTI leaders and the sponsored creation of new parties. The acquittals of the Sharifs from several NAB cases while the number of cases against Imran Khan crossed the 150 mark several weeks ago. And all this occurs while the about-to-be-deceased National Assembly passes new laws at express-train speed while only 30-odd members in a house of 342 members are present: with quorum deliberately not being called or enforced.
The post-1990 record offers sobering reading for the PDM Government of 2023. The alliance between President Ghulam Ishaq Khan/Armed Forces on one side, and Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif on the other, that began in November 1990 and broke in April 1993 portrays how pacts of convenience and contrivance are fragile and prone to being shattered. By April 1993, President Ishaq and Benazir Bhutto had joined hands to oust Nawaz Sharif! The victories of 2022 and, if they take place, of 2023, could be pyrrhic and transient. What seems solid today could turn unsettlingly liquid tomorrow. Or the day after: the variable factors are numerous and imponderable.
PTI’s successes & failures:
The PTI-led coalition Government of August 2018-April 2022 achieved some notable milestones: a globally acknowledged success in containing Covid-19, reviving exports and an economic momentum, initiating the 10-billion trees ecology-driven campaign, the success in mobilizing support at the UN to condemn Islamophobia, etc. Yet it also committed strange missteps and blunders. The choice of the Punjab CM, the refusal to engage in dialogue with Opposition parties and the prolonged absences of the PM from Parliament, the use of disparaging language against opponents and critics, the failure to reach out to rural Sindh in particular, and allow Balochistan to fester, the frequent changes of the Finance Minister, the inability to sustain a working relationship with the COAS (who also regularly overstepped into the civil, political domain, albeit, according to him, to support the Government --- that he, and his colleagues had helped attain power!), the stress on recreating the ideal state of Medina of the 7th century without acknowledging the phenomenally different objective conditions of the 21st century. Perhaps the worst of all decisions were the en masse resignations from the National Assembly and the dissolutions of the Punjab and KP assemblies.
Power to the people?
But none of the above justifies the persecution and the vilification unleashed in April 2022 and the persistent build-up --- echoed by most parts of conventional media heavily dependent on Government advertising --- through the months leading up to August 2023 . In a manner of speaking, even before the polls are held --- when?! --- and even before the Federal Caretaker Government takes charge, the scene has been distorted by the alliance of the past 16 months. The Caretaker Government must be authentically impartial, not an extension of the post-April 2022 arrangement: ECP should take a lead role in ensuring this neutrality.
All parties and leaders must be enabled to participate in the elections. All adult citizens have the inalienable right to cast their votes without pressure and threat --- even though the absurd first-past-the-post electoral system we use does not reflect holistic electoral reality. All voters possess the right to have their votes counted transparently and truthfully.
Let the people become the real Caretakers, and the true Takeovers.
The writer is a former Senator and Federal Minister, as well as an author, film-maker, and policy analyst. For further details, visit www.javedjabbar.net
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A powerful and well analyzed thought provoking article. The beauty of this write up is that it is from an independent political analyst.
A powerful and well analyzed thought provoking article. The beauty of this write up is that it is from an independent political analyst.
A balanced and well written piece where the recommendations have the sole purpose of furthering Pakistan”s interest. There is no hidden agenda which is so rare to find in the media these days
Excellent presentation. Thanks.
A historical perspective on our current state and thought process behind the changes. The recommendations are apt and the only solution to our current impasse.