Cover Story 
 

Cover Story

Pakistan’s Gen Z Moment

Pakistan is sitting on a powder keg of economic and political discontent, and a frustrated Gen Z could eventually emulate the youth movements that have shaken other South Asian countries

By Zahid Hussain | September 2026

Like other South Asian countries, Pakistan is also experiencing its Gen Z moment — though it remains sporadic and unorganized. What is unfolding in Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and Azad Kashmir reflects a pushback against increasingly authoritarian rule. News from these areas may be kept off the mainstream media, but reality cannot be hidden in the age of social media.

Other parts of the country are witnessing growing discontent among the youth that could turn into a mass uprising, as happened in Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka. The “cockroach” movement — which has shaken the right-wing Hindu nationalist government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi — has become an inspiration for a young generation looking for change in the existing repressive, dynasty-based political order.

Pakistan not only has a large youth population but also suffers from political and economic problems. The country’s Gen Z (born between 1997 and 2012) is believed to number nearly 70 million. This has dire implications for a country where basic rights are in jeopardy, the media and free expression are restricted, and unemployment is rising.

A “demographic dividend” could turn into a demographic catastrophe, with Pakistan occupying practically the lowest rung on South Asia’s human development ladder. The legitimacy of a regime that is losing its grip in several parts is being questioned. The economy, meanwhile, depends on external assistance, which restricts financial autonomy. Public discontent — driven by inflation, unemployment and political repression — has created a volatile situation.

Hundreds of political and human rights activists are behind bars. The judiciary itself is shackled, restricting avenues for those seeking justice. Last year, parliament passed the Anti-Terrorism (Amendment) Bill, allowing detention without charges for up to three months. Journalists are repeatedly targeted under the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (Peca) for reports deemed critical by the authorities.

Earlier this year, human rights lawyers Imaan Mazari-Hazir and Hadi Ali Chattha were convicted by an Islamabad district court and handed cumulative 17-year prison sentences under Peca for “cyberterrorism” and spreading “anti-state” narratives. All of this signifies the lengthening shadow of authoritarianism. There is not even a semblance of freedom of expression anymore.

As interior minister, Mohsin Naqvi has admitted that the present system has failed to deliver. Speaking at the Pakistan Economic Summit last month, Naqvi — widely seen as the most powerful cabinet minister, enjoying the military establishment’s patronage — said the current system of governance had “collapsed” and was fundamentally incapable of resolving the country’s problems. He stressed the need for structural reform to address Pakistan’s mounting challenges.

We all know the existing political system has failed to deliver, but a man who is himself a product of that system is now questioning its legitimacy. Naqvi’s statement points to the unravelling of the hybrid arrangement, and his words cannot be dismissed as merely personal views, given his perceived association with the powers that be. He also warned of a “cockroach”-type movement in Pakistan if the system were not changed.

Naqvi’s assertions have laid bare the fault lines within the hybrid political structure established after the controversial 2024 elections. But his suggestion of restructuring the existing provincial administrative units is aimed at salvaging a rotten system. While he pointed to the absence of governance, the real cause behind this state of affairs was not mentioned. Naqvi regretted that the “failed system” had dragged on for seven decades.

He is absolutely right, but he failed to mention the dominant influence of the security apparatus for much of the country’s history. The decline of the present hybrid, and increasingly autocratic, system was long foretold. However, a mere change of face and the creation of new administrative units will not solve the state’s problems. Many view his statements as an attempt to redirect public attention from the real issues and tighten control.


The country faces an existential internal security threat, with terrorism now spreading despite the establishment’s claim that the situation is under control. Notwithstanding the claim of successful intelligence-based operations, there seems to be a complete breakdown of law and order in KP, with an increasing number of terrorist attacks.

Meanwhile, the situation in Balochistan and Azad Kashmir has worsened, with the state relying entirely on kinetic options to deal with a largely political problem. The recently held elections in AJK were marred by reports of violence and allegations of electoral manipulation. No blackout of the news can change the reality on the ground.

The question is no longer whether the youth will rise, but whether the state will reform itself before it is too late

For several months, widespread violent protests led by youth have paralysed most of Azad Kashmir, yet little serious effort has been made to address them. Instead, the action committee leading the protests has been outlawed, and its leaders declared foreign agents. The present hybrid regime appears to rely solely on coercion.

What is unfolding is a revolt against the corrupt political order the state has long been protecting. A media ban on coverage of the protests cannot solve the problem — but that, it seems, is what the government is good at. The unrest adds to the political instability already gripping KP and Balochistan, which have seen arbitrary arrests and convictions of political activists on terrorism charges.

While Pakistani leaders bask in international limelight for their role in mediating between America and Iran, there is growing concern over political instability, a worsening economy and rising militancy in the two strategically placed provinces. It is widely believed that foreign-policy success is being used to divert attention from critical problems at home. Success in foreign policy cannot yield long-term dividends in the absence of economic and political stability — and, unfortunately, the country lacks both.

The country’s strength lies in its political and economic stability, not in fleeting moments of diplomatic success. Pakistan’s projection on the international stage as a peacemaker must now be redirected towards national reconciliation and economic development. The strength of the state rests on the confidence of its people, which cannot be built in an atmosphere of repression and the denial of democratic rights.

Curbs on the press may offer a false sense of stability, but that deception cannot last long. A hammer-handed approach will only worsen the situation, pushing people towards extremism — a lesson of history that those at the helm easily forget. This is not the first time the country has been in the international limelight, yet that attention has never been enough to bring lasting political and economic stability.

The country is sitting on a powder keg. With no hope for the future, a restive Gen Z may emulate the youth movements in other South Asian countries. The question is no longer whether the youth will rise, but whether the state will reform itself before it is too late.

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