Technology
The Right Problem
The greatest nuclear threat from AI is not a machine that decides to launch. It is a human left with no real decision to make.

A sk most people what frightens them about AI and nuclear weapons, and they will describe the same thing: a machine deciding, on its own, to launch. It has been the image in films for fifty years, and in policy debates for the last five years. In September, it got its most authoritative backing yet. “I won’t lie to you – there are real dangers,” Anthropic’s chief executive Dario Amodei told CBS News, adding that “for too long the industry lied to people about the fact that this technology had risks.”
He is right to be worried. The danger he has in mind, though, is machines slipping out of human control. No nuclear-armed state is building a system where an algorithm makes the launch decision. All of them have said so, repeatedly. The danger is real. It just sits somewhere else, and because we keep looking in the wrong place, we keep missing it. The safeguards being debated now guard against the wrong failure. The ones we actually need are cheaper, faster, and almost entirely absent from the conversation.
It sits with the human. In a 2010 review in the journal Human Factors, Raja Parasuraman and Dietrich Manzey set out what they called automation bias: the tendency to trust a machine’s output more than the evidence justifies, and to stop checking once the system has given an answer. It is not a failing of careless people. It is what capable people do once a tool has earned their trust. Questioning it starts to feel like wasted effort. Drivers have followed satnav into rivers. Pilots have trusted an autopilot reading over the horizon in front of them. Radiologists shown a computer’s suggested diagnosis find the problems it flagged and miss the ones it did not. In every case, a human was in the loop. In every case, the machine had already done the deciding.
Put that inside a nuclear crisis. Early-warning and command systems now use AI to process sensor data, fuse intelligence, assess threats and propose responses. The safeguard every government points to is that a human keeps the final decision. That is true, and it is hollow. A commander looking at a system-generated recommendation, a confidence score and a shrinking clock is not weighing the evidence from scratch. They are deciding whether to overrule a machine that, as far as they know, has never been wrong, at a moment when hesitating has its own catastrophic cost. The final decision is human. Nothing that shaped it was: which signals were flagged as threats, which were dismissed as noise, which three options reached the screen and which thirty never did. Control of the last step is not control of the outcome.
Two developments make this more dangerous, and neither is slowing down. The first is time. AI is adopted because it is faster than people, and speed in one part of a crisis eats the time available in every other part. Diplomats once had hours to talk, and commanders hours to wait for a second confirmation. Those hours are disappearing, not because anyone chose to remove human judgment but because many small choices made each step quicker. The second is entanglement. The same AI-enabled surveillance, targeting and air defence networks now serve conventional and nuclear forces alike. Ambassador Zamir Akram of Pakistan’s Strategic Plans Division has said that new technologies have complicated the entanglement of conventional and strategic weapons, making de-escalation harder and escalation quicker. A system optimising a conventional strike can select a target beside nuclear command infrastructure and present it to a human with ninety seconds and no reason for doubt.
Nowhere is this sharper than South Asia. India and Pakistan are closer together than any other nuclear-armed pair. Flight times between their capitals are minutes, and warning times were dangerously short before any algorithm was involved. Both are now integrating AI quickly. SIPRI’s 2026 Yearbook puts India’s arsenal at around 190 warheads and Pakistan’s at 170, both growing, and records India’s use of AI in the management systems of its nuclear-capable warships. In February, the Pakistan Air Force ran the Golden Eagle exercise, testing AI-enabled net-centric warfare and manned-unmanned teaming in a deliberately degraded environment. The four days of fighting in May 2025 were a preview: AI-based targeting the Indian Army credited with 94 per cent accuracy, air defence networks rerouting missions in real time, drones compressing decision timelines, and a strike near Rawalpindi close to the headquarters of Pakistan’s Strategic Plans Division, which manages its nuclear arsenal. Whether that was signalling or geography, the system that produced the target did not know the difference. A human had to, and quickly.
This is where the international response has gone wrong. In December 2025, the UN passed its first resolution on AI in nuclear command and control, asking states to affirm that humans keep the final decision on nuclear use. It passed easily because it asks nothing hard of anyone. Ruling out autonomous launch prohibits something nobody meant to build. Pakistan, which took the presidency of the Conference on Disarmament in August and has warned longer than most nuclear states that AI in these systems risks miscalculation and catastrophe, now steers this year’s report. Ambassador Tahir Hussain Andrabi was candid on taking the chair, telling Dawn: “I would draw a clear distinction between Pakistan’s national position and Pakistan’s role as president.” The chair cannot fix a forum that has agreed nothing substantive in twenty years. It can still name the right problem.
The right problem is not whether a machine will decide. It is whether, when a human decides, they have enough time, enough unfiltered information and enough real choice for it to count as a decision. The safeguards worth having are not the ones on the table.
The nightmare we were taught to fear is a machine that decides, by itself, to launch a nuclear weapon. It is not coming, and every government knows it, which is why ruling it out costs nothing and comforts everyone. The real danger is that AI is quietly taking over everything that happens before that decision: which warnings a commander sees, how much time they have to think, and which options they are given to choose between. The human still makes the final call. By then the machine has already framed the question, and the human has ninety seconds and every reason to trust it. That is automation bias in a nuclear crisis, and no resolution against autonomous launch does anything about it. Not a machine that takes the decision from us, but one that hands it back with the time, the information, and the real choices already gone. It was first tested over four days in May 2025, between two nuclear-armed states with minutes of warning time, and it will be tested again.
The solution does not need a treaty. Any nuclear-armed state can act alone, and there are four places to start.
Start with time. Guarantee commanders a minimum period to deliberate before any nuclear-relevant decision, so a faster sensor never means a faster trigger. Then honesty. Make every system show how much of its recommendation came from a machine, so the person acting on it knows what they are trusting. Then testing. Check command systems for automation bias the way aviation checks pilots, before a crisis rather than after one. And then separation. Keep the AI that runs conventional targeting away from anything connected to nuclear command, so an algorithm can never place a nuclear site in front of a human by accident.
None of this is unprecedented. India and Pakistan have agreed on narrower measures before, on missile tests and nuclear facilities, at worse moments in their relationship. Pakistan should use its presidency of the Conference on Disarmament to write these four into this year’s report, and India should adopt them whether or not Geneva ever does. That is the whole answer. It is cheap, it is quick, and it requires nobody’s permission. A human will still press the button. The job is to make sure that when they do, there is still a decision behind it. That job starts now, and it starts in South Asia.
This writer is a London-based researcher, currently focused on AI governance and nuclear decision-making, and an MSc student in Social Research Methods with Data Science at UCL. She can be reached at azaididua@gmail.com


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