Region
Experiments in Governance
From parliamentary democracy to the presidential system and martial law regimes,
Pakistan is still looking for an ideal system of governance. While the experiments
continue, the masses hurtle down the poverty line.

A state survives and prospers if there is rule of law. The classical concept of rule of law is: a law, that, in its form and substance, conforms to the Constitution. The law-making power is vested in the Parliament under the Constitution. Successive governments in Pakistan have relied upon Ordinances to enact laws. Successive Parliaments have also almost abdicated their legislative business. Sometimes, a law or a constitutional amendment is passed in hours, not days. But when it comes to legislation for public good, it is hard to find a quorum.
An Ordinance is a colonial relic that adorns the Constitutions of Pakistan and India. Unlike a Governor General under the British Crown, who had carte blanche Ordinance-making powers, the Presidents in Pakistan and India have this constitutional legislative power which can be exercised under certain circumstances and conditions. This legislative power was conferred on the executive heads in all British colonies to meet a legal requirement back home in England, insisting on a ‘law’ to provide for the rights and duties that included draconian penal codes and revenue laws. The British Constitution recognized the principle of separation of powers for securing liberties, to which French scholar Montesquieu referred as legislative powers conferred on the Governors General of the colonies, as life, liberty and taxes could be dealt with under a law only.
The President has Ordinance-making powers under Article 89 of the Constitution. The Governor of a province has similar powers under Article 128. The said Articles prescribe prior circumstances or conditions whereunder this legislative power can be exercised by the President or the Governor. This emergent power can be exercised only when the President is satisfied that the requisite circumstances exist. But not when the Senate and National Assembly are in session. This satisfaction in fact is not the satisfaction of the President but of the Cabinet. Executive power is vested in the prime minister and his cabinet in the Parliamentary form of government. The matters of satisfaction and the existence of emergent circumstances are not justiciable. The other condition is that the Senate and National Assembly must not be in session. Under the original Constitution of 1973, the Senate was not mentioned in clause 1 of Article 89. It was inserted through the 18th Amendment in 2010.
Then comes Article 89(2). It provides that an Ordinance shall have the same force and effect as an Act of Parliament and it shall be subject to similar restrictions as are placed on Parliament. This essentially means fundamental rights and Article 142 of the Constitution regarding the legislative competence of Parliament as Pakistan is a Federation. Under this clause, the legislative powers of the President and Parliament are at par. A close reading of this clause also shows that it is a permanent power except when the Parliament is in session as there cannot be two law-giving powers at the same time. Moreover, under Article 51, the Parliament includes the President. When Parliament passes a Bill it becomes an Act of Parliament if assented to by the President under Article 69. This explains the way Article 89(1) has been formulated.
The President has Ordinance-making powers under Article 89 of the Constitution.
There is another condition. Every Ordinance promulgated by the President is to be placed before the National Assembly if it relates to money matters as provided under Article 73. In other matters, it must be placed before the Senate as well. The National Assembly or the Senate, as the case may be, can disapprove it and, in the absence of disapproval, the Ordinance stands repealed at the expiry of 120 days. Under the 18th Amendment, another limitation has also been placed. An Ordinance can now only be repromulgated for another term of 120 days if a resolution is passed for its extension by the National Assembly.
It has been held by the Courts that an Ordinance is temporary legislation and, for this reason, it has a counted life of 120 days. It is a time-bound piece of legislation. An Ordinance has the same effect and force as an Act of Parliament that is expressly provided in Article 89(2). Thus, insofar as its legal validity and efficacy is concerned, the Constitution equates an Ordinance with an Act of Parliament.
The word ‘effect’ used in clause (2) of Article 89, takes away the ‘temporariness’ for legal purposes. Moreover, there is a departure from the Indian provision (Article 123) which states that an Ordinance shall ‘cease to operate’ after the expiry of six weeks. There is a difference between a repeal and ‘cease to operate’. The effect of repeal has been given under Article 264 of the Constitution. This aspect has been overlooked by the Supreme Court in its numerous judgments, the last being the PMDC case (2018).
Do numbers matter? If a Bill is passed by five hundred people sitting in Parliament, it does not become an Act of Parliament unless assent has been given by the President. Moreover, in the context of Pakistan, the country has been governed by various permanent Ordinances promulgated by martial law regimes. The Parliament passes constitutional amendments in two days. Where Parliamentary business is hardly a priority for the legislators, emphasis on mere form than substance sounds strange. There is no difference between an Ordinance and an Act passed by the Parliament when it comes to the substance. While the Constitution is in force the only guarantee people have for the protection of their rights, are the Courts, provided they are manned by independent and upright judges.
It is not only the PTI government which has governed through Ordinances and this is a continuing saga. Ordinance-making is a constitutional power and while it remains in the Constitution, it cannot be questioned on some higher notions. This will go on unless the people of Pakistan realize that they are the true source of state authority and they start electing people who are mindful of their constitutional duties towards their voters and the Constitution. No Government can survive for a long time if this power is taken away frm it. The Parliament must realize its powers and duties.![]()
The writer is an advocate of the Supreme Court and former Additional Attorney General of Pakistan. He holds an LL.M. degree from Harvard Law School and is the co-author of a book ‘Comparative Constitutional Law.’ He can be reached at mwaqarrana@yahoo.com |
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