Cover Story
Asian Century
If the unpredictable policies of U.S. President Donald Trump continue, Asia will certainly strengthen its position in global affairs

The nineteenth century was called Pax Britannica, and the twentieth century was referred to as Pax Americana. In a similar vein, the twenty-first century is termed Pax Asiana. Following the end of the Second World War, there was a shift in the global power structure from multipolar to bipolar because the Soviet Union and the United States, as the two superpowers, divided the world into their spheres of influence. After the end of the Cold War and the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the United States emerged as the only superpower representing a unipolar world. However, in the first quarter of the twenty-first century, the world again transformed from unipolar to multipolar, with China and Russia, along with India, Brazil, and South America, emerging as new centers of power.
In a world where the global order is fragile, and the Trump administration is bent on pursuing a policy of unilateralism by threatening to annex Greenland, invading Venezuela, and calling for regime change in Iran, can the Asian century prevent the U.S from carrying out its policy of intervention and aggression? How do China, India, and Russia, as the three major Asian countries with enormous economic and military power, restrain the United States from carrying out its policy of unilateralism? If the U.S, under the Trump administration, has left 66 international organizations and calls Canada its 51st state with intentions to intervene in Panama, Mexico, and Cuba, can Asia challenge American power ambitions?
The Asian century is not a myth but a reality. As the largest and most prominent continent of the world, with China, India, Russia, Japan, South Korea, and Singapore as major economic giants, Asia has the capability to assert its position, particularly when the First World, for the first time after the end of the Second World War, conflicts with itself. With Europe eye-to-eye with the United States on Greenland and NATO, it is Asia that has an opportunity to take advantage of the emerging conflict within the Western world.
According to Modern Diplomacy, “The 21st century is often heralded as the ‘Asian Century,’ a period where the political and economic might of Asian nations will eclipse the West’s dominance. This notion gained attraction in the late 20th century, fueled by the meteoric rise of China and India’s economic prowess. Let’s delve deeper into the factors shaping this potential Asian ascendancy.”
As a home to nearly half of the world’s population, with its geography reaching the shores of the Pacific and Indian Ocean, Asia is a powerhouse reflecting the wave of the future. Russia shares its vast territory in Asia, and along with China and India, is in a position to effectively challenge the power ambitions of U.S President Donald Trump.
South Asia, as a sub-region of Asia, holds 20% of the world’s population, with India as the world’s 50th largest economy. By 2027, India hopes to emerge as the world’s third-largest economy, superseding Germany and Japan. How the United States can attempt to militarily intervene in Asia, or in a South Asian country, particularly when the Trump administration has opened multiple fronts, and the American economy, with a debt of 37 trillion dollars, will be destabilized if it tries to confront China or India.
According to Modern Diplomacy, “China has emerged as the world’s second-largest economy with a GDP exceeding $18 trillion in 2023, while India is projected to become the third by 2030, boasting a GDP surpassing $8 trillion. Asia’s strength lies not in uniformity but in the dynamism of its many economies and political landscapes. Developed nations like Japan and South Korea, with established democracies, coexist with developing economies like Vietnam and Indonesia, with evolving political landscapes. While China’s authoritarian model, characterized by state-driven capitalism, has fueled its rapid growth, democracies like India face challenges like poverty and social inequality. This heterogeneity suggests a more nuanced picture than a singular “Asian Century.”
Be as it may, Asia, as a powerhouse of the 21st century, will proceed with its economic strength provided it remains peaceful. It is not bogged down with the India-Pakistan conflict and American threats to China. Asia will not be the next battleground because neither China nor India is interested in getting itself involved in Trump-led rhetoric. Particularly, the Chinese response to the American attack on its ally Venezuela was calculated. It took several economic measures to hurt the U.S economy, particularly by not trading in American dollars. Both China and India, along with Russia, face American measures like the imposition of heavy tariffs. Russia faces years of American sanctions, particularly after it attacked Ukraine in 2014 and 2022.
One can examine the pros and cons of the Asian century and American power ambitions in that continent from three major perspectives. First, unlike Venezuela, the U.S will not even think to act against China or India because it possesses neither the capability nor the skills to achieve that objective. It is an illusion that the United States, despite having the best relations with Pakistan’s military at the moment, will take on India. It is strange that Trump, in his first term, had excellent relations with the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, but following the May 7-10 war between India and Pakistan, he antagonized New Delhi when he claimed that it was because of his intervention that he prevented a nuclear showdown in South Asia. Trump is also angry with India for buying Russian oil, and he tried to exert pressure on New Delhi by imposing tariffs. That led to a relative mending of fences between China and India because both Asian powers now share the U.S threats and pressures.
Will China and India, along with Russia, unite against the belligerent and aggressive policies of the Trump administration? If they unite, it would mean a cohesive response from Asia against the United States. Friction between the United States and India over the imposition of tariffs and Trump’s repeated assertion that he prevented nuclear war between India and Pakistan led to a diminishing role of QUAD (India, Australia, Japan, and the United States), a loose alliance against China. Second, a possible thaw in Sino-Indian relations and Modi’s visit to Tianjin, China, to attend the SCO meeting and his interaction with the Chinese leadership last year reflect the impending closeness between the two potential adversaries. Indeed, the two giants of Asia, China and India, along with another Eurasian power, Russia, will have a meaningful impact on the prevailing fragile world order.
The Asian century will have more impact on the declining Western world because of the possible overtaking of the United States by China as the number one global economic power. One hopes to sustain a degree of American power in Asia because of its alliance with Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. As long as the three countries with their antagonism with China remain as American allies, the Asian century will not openly confront Washington. In the Persian Gulf region, a sub-region of Asia, the United States has a network of military and security collaboration with Saudi Arabia, the U.A.E., Bahrain, Qatar, Kuwait, and Israel. That provides an edge to America in Asia. Third, the notion that the United States may launch a military intervention in South Asia has a remote possibility because Washington will not confront India, and with Pakistan, it has security and strategic ties. Furthermore, India will not overtly antagonize the U.S as it did recently by withdrawing from the Iranian Chabahar port. That makes the United States comfortable in South Asia. Indian policy under Prime Minister Narendra Modi of appeasing America will continue.
It goes without saying that the success of the Asian century depends on close linkages between China, Russia, and India. If the unpredictable policies of American President Donald Trump continue by opening several fronts at the same time, Asia will certainly strengthen its position in global affairs.
Based in Karachi, the writer is a Meritorious Professor of International Relations and former Dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences at the University of Karachi. He can be reached at amoonis@hotmail.com


Leave a Reply