Pursuing the Dream
Pakistan is a long way from a functioning democracy. Space needs to be created for 
the people’s economic well-being as well as their intellectual wellness. The government 
must also demonstrate that it is the servant of the people and not their master.

The end of the Cold War was greeted with an optimistic ‘’end of history’’ thesis that argued in favour of ‘’unabashed victory of economic and political liberalism’’. This approach saw democracy as the end-point of humanity’s quest for the ideal form of governance.
Fukuyama’s optimistic approach was reinforced by Bill Clinton during his two terms in the White House. His administration never tired of endorsing economic interdependence as the harbinger of ‘’Democracy Enlargement’’ in the world - a world in which, according to Clinton, the US must lead ‘’alliances of free market democracies in Asia, Europe and the Americas in support of democracy and economic liberty.’’
A number of former Soviet-bloc countries embraced democracy in the early 1990s. By opting for open political processes the new-comers appeared to strengthen the hand of the democracy enthusiasts in the US and the West. The newcomers, however, began to falter by the end of the decade as they struggled to cope with unfavourable economic trends and transnational crimes that globalization brought in its wake.
To be fair, modern globalization did introduce and reinforce democratic norms and universal principles of human rights in a number of international and regional institutions. The UN war crimes tribunal for Yugoslavia and Rwanda and the establishment of an International Criminal Court that empowered humanitarian law, are cases in point.
Contemporary globalization has also enabled exchange of ideas between common people, thus giving them a voice in domestic and global politics; at the same time, mass media has exposed them to fake news and conspiracy theories that can manipulate voter independence. More interestingly, the advancement in communication technology can facilitate external interventions in a country’s electoral process. These developments undermine the voter’s freedom to choose.
Mass media is not the only medium influencing political outcomes. Over the past four decades or so the concept of democracy has lost its immaculate roots in the face of the massive cost of running for public office. This has given wealthy corporate interests and influential non-state actors the opportunity to manipulate election outcomes by investing in the electoral process. To return the favour, the representatives of the people often lobby for regulations that favour corporate interests at the cost of public interest.
The democratic idea of free-trade, that was supposed to benefit the working class in the developed and developing countries, has failed to deliver. Consequently, inequality of income and distribution of wealth has increased, widening the gap between the rich and the poor not only in the developing world but also in the democratic, developed countries. This has spawned distrust of the ruling elite and given rise to populism and ultra-nationalism that weaken democratic norms of inclusiveness and equality. Brexit is an apt example in this regard.
Contemporary populist trends are reflected in the electoral victory of Donald Trump and the strengthening of white supremacists in the US, the mainstreaming of far-rightist leaders in a number of European countries, the election and re-election of Narendra Modi and the rise of Hindutva in India. These are big question marks on the efficacy of democratic mechanisms and electoral independence.
The enthusiasm of the 1990s was questioned by some who wondered what would happen if free and fair elections transferred power to bigots and racists. Such reservations, however, were never addressed seriously; the staunch supporters of democracy believe that the collective judgment of the voters is the best defence against democracy being exploited by the undeserving.
According to Human Rights Watch reports, in the post-9/11 world the United States has moved backwards on human rights and continues to support authoritarian governments and individuals abroad militarily, financially and diplomatically. This reflects the double standards of the US, the champion of democracy.
The US has chosen militarist solutions to the problem of terrorism. Along with the military approach, non-democratic practices of torture, indefinite detention and rendition are employed without fear of accountability. US drone attacks constitute unlawful use of force and a wilful breach of state sovereignty.
Minus UN approval, the targeted killings in the Muslim world breach international law and undermine the very liberal democratic world order that the US helped construct after World War II. And all this is carried out in the name of democracy and liberal values. What the American democracy enthusiasts have failed to understand is that democracy cannot be imposed from above; it has to evolve from within the socio-cultural milieu of a society.
So, within the context of the current international scenario, where does Pakistani democracy stand today?
Big money plays a big role in influencing election results not only in rich countries like the US but also in developing nations. Therefore, it is not surprising that vested economic interests often drive the political processes in Pakistan, too. This invariably leads to financial corruption that perpetuates societal imbalances.
Like all good things in life, democracy begins at home. Unfortunately, competing political parties in Pakistan lack internal democratic structures because the feudal and tribal mindset remains well-entrenched. The situation is exacerbated by a lack of a well-rounded education system that would allow the learners to ask questions instead of bowing to authority and to share their thoughts on taboo subjects without fear of repercussion.
Lack of education means a lack of gainful employment that can loosen the feudal hold. Consequently, the feudal and tribal mindset continues to give birth to rulers and not leaders, thereby widening the perennial disconnect between the state and society.
Elections are not enough to make democracy a viable, functioning system of governance.
Elections are integral to the democratic process but they are not enough to make democracy a viable, functioning system of governance. Lack of performance legitimacy on the part of the ruling elite and continued intolerance in the Pakistani society, are instrumental in undermining the democratic dispensation.
In fact, failure to deliver on the part of political leaders weakens voter confidence to the point of questioning the very concept of democracy. This in turn has often facilitated military interventions in Pakistan. Direct military interventions and indirect manipulation of the electoral process are key reasons for the stunted growth of a democratic system.
Of late, however, there appears to be a ray of hope, at least in terms of power transition. The political power shift in 2008, 2013 and 2018 polls from one set of civilians to another is a huge accomplishment in a country that has been under military dictatorships at regular intervals for more than three decades.
That being said, Pakistan is still a long way off from becoming a truly democratic state that upholds constitutionalism, the rule of law, freedom of expression, respect for human rights and provides equal protection to all segments of society.
A functioning democracy is about institutional checks and balances and accountability, in which all are equal and in which the people are given the right to make informed, independent choices when electing their representatives.
A functioning democracy creates space not only for economic well-being but also for intellectual wellness that encourages knowledge creation. In short, it is a system of governance under which the government is the servant of the people and not their master.
Today, as we face an increasingly uncertain environment, it remains to be seen whether democracy does, after all, possess an inherent corrective mechanism and whether Fukuyama’s faith in its return despite setbacks is based on solid foundations.![]()
 
The writer is Senior Consultant at the Islamabad Policy Research Institute and author of Pakistan’s Strategic Choices in the 1990s (Routledge, UK, 2016). She can be reached at talatfarooq11@gmail.com  | 
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