Cover Story
No Ifs and Buts
The Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement (SMDA) between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia contains no ambiguity and is very specific in its language, clearly providing politico-strategic benefits and comfort to both countries
In July 1982, I was posted as a Major to the newly built, impeccably laid out Tabuk Cantonment in the north of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), close to the border with Jordan. I was part of a strong Pakistan Army contingent, which heralded the beginning of the induction of more battalions and brigade-sized forces to follow in the coming years and decades for stationing in various parts of the Kingdom.
The memories of my stay in Tabuk are dated 1982 to 1984. Tabuk is one of the greener parts of Saudi Arabia, rich in agriculture and relatively modern.
Tabuk must have progressed and significantly modernized over the past 40 years. It has a temperate climate with relatively cold winters and fairly bearable summers, unlike much of the KSA. The vast, shiny desert and rugged mountains around Tabuk, stretching from the beautiful shores of the Gulf of Aqaba and the Red Sea in the west, with unbelievably amazing aquarium-like marine life, to the unending stretches of the desert in the east, are a marvel of nature. A touch of our majestic Baluchistan in some ways.
Tabuk and its surrounding area, including the region of Midian, have a gloriously rich history of ancient religious traditions of Prophets Hazrat Musa (PBUH) and Hazrat Shoaib (PBUH). Then there is the history of the famous Ghazwa-e-Tabuk 630 AD during the time of the Holy Prophet Hazrat Muhammad (PBUH). From the Ottoman times, there are the remains of the old Hijaz railway station, which Lawrence of Arabia once attacked during his anti-Ottoman Empire campaign.

Lt. Gen. Khalid Kidwai is the founding Director General of Pakistan’s Strategic Plans Division (SPD) in Chaklala Rawalpindi.
My purpose in picking up the threads from Tabuk 1982-84 is to recall for the reader the history and the long unbroken linkages of Pakistan-KSA military cooperation, which has been governed by various formal security arrangements between the two governments from time to time. The formality of documentation notwithstanding, we experienced a far greater level of that instant natural bonding between the officers and the troops of KSA and Pakistan that transcends geography, distances, and formal documents. It is a relationship of brotherhood bordering on kinship. Pakistani reverence and love for the holy cities of Makkah Al Mukarrama and Madinah Al Munawara, with their wealth of historical sites, duly marked by a mosque at every step, is in the Pakistani genes and DNA. For Pakistani troops, there is no greater honor than to be asked to be prepared to defend the holy cities of Saudi Arabia, in effect, being bestowed the unique honor of being the defenders of the Haramain Sharifain, and this out of the 57-odd Islamic countries.
The Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement (SMDA) signed on the 17th of September 2025 needs to be seen in the foregoing context, besides regional geo-political considerations. The Agreement had been in the works for quite some time before its formalization.
The key clause in the SMDA, which has become a subject of some debate and speculation, is, of course, about “aggression against one country being considered as aggression against both countries.” It remains to be seen how the clause might be practically operationalized in the visualized eventualities if and when these were to occur. I think in the context of South Asia, the Agreement, in addition to Pakistan’s by now proven military prowess, ought to act as a serious consideration in future Indian military calculations when contemplating its next misadventure.
India has been reduced to seeking solace in two internationally isolated characters, Benjamin Netanyahu and Mullah Amir Khan Mutaqqi
Following the signing of the SMDA, there has also been speculation about a few other countries in the Gulf looking at the possibility of striking similar SMDAs with Pakistan. I think Pakistan has the military capacity and the political will to extend its military and geo-political support in various ways to brotherly countries if asked.

The question that arises is, why has such an Agreement been struck now? What are the drivers and interests of the two countries at this point in time? There are at least two reasons that come to mind straightaway.
First, the stellar performance of the Pakistani military against Indian aggression in May this year has immensely raised Pakistan’s reputational stock both militarily and geo-politically in the region and internationally. This is in contrast to the severe loss of India’s military clout and geo-political reputation. The world loves - and respects - a winner. After the May 2025 conflict, Pakistan and India are being viewed through a new lens of the conflict outcome, where Pakistan was the clear winner.
Destroying 10% of the fielded Indian Air Force’s modern fleet within one hour of high-intensity aerial combat with no loss to Pakistan Air Force is a performance that needs no advertising campaign. Unlike India, the world knows how to count. Shooting down 4 x Rafales, 1 x Mirage 2000, 1 x SU-30, and 1 x MIG-29, in addition to the highly reputed S-400 air defence battery, is almost like a partridge shooting spree on a Sunday. Why I say 10% of the fielded IAF’s modern fleet is because on the morning of 7th May, India attacked mainland Pakistan with 72 top-of-the-line fighters, and 7 kills out of 72 is exactly 10%.
Pakistan’s best brand ambassador in this context, without doubt, has been U.S. President Donald Trump. He is so impressed with Pakistan’s war performance that he can’t stop recalling the seven downed Indian fighters every time he speaks about the recent India-Pakistan conflict.
The SMDA has caused ripples in the region and is bound to generate appropriate politico-strategic deterrence effects in due course
Before May 2025, most international observers generally took for granted the numerical superiority of India’s conventional military forces over Pakistan. However, it was also well recognized that Pakistan’s robust nuclear weapons capability, based on the policy of Full Spectrum Deterrence, had established an overall strategic balance in South Asia and that deterrence against aggression was firmly in place. However, against the logic of this conventional wisdom, when India, having first staged a false flag operation at Pahalgam, attacked Pakistan on the morning of 7th May, Pakistan’s heavy retaliatory response came as a body blow to India.
The adverse conflict outcome has far-reaching cascading effects on India’s military reputation, geo-political importance, and a nose-dive foreign policy. India has been reduced to seeking solace in two internationally isolated characters, Benjamin Netanyahu and Mullah Amir Khan Mutaqqi, who were entertained as poster boys of India’s foreign policy.
Second, the immediate impetus for the signing of the SMDA seemingly was the failed Israeli attack on Doha, Qatar, in an attempt to kill the Hamas negotiating team. It was a clear Israeli strategic overreach, one that went too far in Israeli arrogance and audacity. In many ways, the failed strike boomeranged on Israel to the extent that President Trump compelled Netanyahu to apologize to the Emir of Qatar on the telephone. It also led to the urgency in shaping President Trump’s 20-point peace plan for Gaza and peace in the broader Middle East.
In hindsight, the Israeli attack can be seen as a game-changing strategic event that has led to several unintended consequences for the larger Middle Eastern region as well as for South Asia. The Gulf Countries, which for all these decades had been basking under the illusion of a US security guarantee, felt deeply insecure overnight as Israel defied that security guarantee by attacking Qatar and exposed the U.S. guarantee for what it all along had been: a lot of hot air.
With a complete loss of confidence in US security guarantees, the KSA and other Gulf countries felt deeply exposed and vulnerable. Netanyahu was on a brutal rampage, blatantly advertising the map of Greater Israel as his politico-strategic and religious objective. The map indicates the rough boundaries of Greater Israel from the Euphrates in Iraq in the east to the Nile in Egypt in the west, and from Lebanon, Syria, and Jordan in the north to include some of Saudi Arabia’s northern territories, certainly including Tabuk, and in some cases, all the way south to Madina Al Munawara.
With the confidence in US security guarantees shaken to the core, the KSA decided to seek a new security umbrella from the freshly victorious Pakistani military by formalizing some of the already existing arrangements with the addition of the all-important clause of “aggression against one country being considered as aggression against both countries.” Pakistan was pleased to agree promptly.
17th September 2025 was, in many ways, a red-letter day in Pakistan-Saudi Arabia strategic ties and created much excitement in both countries at the common man’s level. The SMDA now formally binds the two countries to come to the assistance of each other in case of aggression, even though the finer mechanics and details are not yet available in the public domain. The broad Agreement in principle, nevertheless, has caused ripples in the region and is bound to generate appropriate politico-strategic deterrence effects in due course.
In the Indian media, particularly, there has been considerable animated debate with many analysts insisting that when it comes to a future India-Pakistan war scenario, the KSA will likely take into account its strong economic ties with India and its financial investments.
The SMDA, however, does not contain any ifs and buts or ambiguity and is very specific in its language. The SMDA clearly provides politico-strategic benefits and comfort to both partners. One would like to wish iron-clad security for both the KSA and Pakistan as their eternal friendship flourishes for the benefit of both brotherly countries. The Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement is indeed a bonding of brothers.
The writer, Lt Gen ® Khalid Ahmed Kidwai, NI, HI, HI (M), founded the Strategic Plans Division (SPD) and served as DG SPD from 1999 to 2014. He conceived and oversaw the development and operationalization of Pakistan’s nuclear and missile programme as a robust strategic deterrence force according to the policy of Full Spectrum Deterrence.


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