Cover Story
Agreement or Treaty?
The implications of the Pakistan-Saudi Arabia defense pact, which positions Pakistan as a pivotal South Asian military power and an influential actor in the Middle East, are more far-reaching on the region than those of other agreements

How could the recently signed Pakistan–Saudi Arabia defense agreement affect the region? How do regional countries view this agreement? Was this agreement made against the will of global powers? And will it disturb the balance of power in the region, or will it create balance and stability instead? Before analyzing these questions, it is crucial to understand that the defense cooperation between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia is an agreement, not a treaty.
Legally, an agreement does not hold the same weight as a treaty. Treaties are far stronger legally, such as the Indus Waters Treaty, which India has been unable to revoke despite many attempts. Similarly, as the term suggests, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is a treaty; exiting or joining it requires meeting strict conditions. In contrast, agreements can be maintained or terminated without such rigid requirements. However, when two countries enter into agreements, it reflects their seriousness on specific matters, and such cooperation is formalized into agreements only when both parties are aligned.
Now, let’s discuss the Pakistan–Saudi Arabia defense agreement. While not all its details are public, the key provision disclosed is that an attack on one country will be considered an attack on the other. This raises the question: if both countries agree to this, what form of cooperation can they extend to each other in case of such an attack?
Pakistan:
As a nuclear power, Pakistan is considered a militarily strong country. With Chinese support in recent years, Pakistan has made significant advancements in modern warfare. This was demonstrated during India’s “Operation Sindhur,” when Pakistan, using advanced electronic warfare, downed seven Indian fighter jets, including four French-made Rafales. Alongside multi-domain aerial capability, modern missile technology, and nuclear power, Pakistan is fully capable not only of defending its own sovereignty but also of supporting another country’s defense.
Historically, Pakistani forces have served in Saudi Arabia for defensive purposes. Media reports suggest that currently 1,500 to 2,000 Pakistani troops are stationed in Saudi Arabia, training Saudi forces while also providing defense services. Under this new agreement, Pakistan may increase its troop presence in the kingdom. Both countries’ officials have even indicated that Pakistan could provide Saudi Arabia with a “nuclear umbrella” under this defense pact.
Saudi Arabia:
Resource-rich Saudi Arabia possesses advanced weaponry, but it relies heavily on the U.S. and the West for arms supplies. Moreover, Saudi forces lack combat experience and are not trained for prolonged or complex wars against professional armies. Although Saudi Arabia has abundant financial resources, it has historically outsourced its defense responsibilities to Egypt and Jordan in the early years, then Pakistan, and now primarily to the United States.
So, under this agreement, what can Saudi Arabia offer Pakistan? As per this scribe, Pakistan will gain multidimensional benefits. Expecting Saudi forces to directly defend Pakistani soil in case of war is unrealistic, and Pakistan doesn’t need Saudi manpower anyway. However, Saudi Arabia can provide crucial logistical and financial support during peacetime and wartime, further strengthening Pakistan’s defense. For example, many of Pakistan’s defense projects, such as achieving self-reliance, developing the indigenous PF-X fighter jet, and purchasing modern military hardware, are under pressure due to funding shortages. With Saudi financial assistance, these projects could progress rapidly. Pakistan could also expand its missile technology, possibly transferring some of this advanced technology to Saudi Arabia.
Another perception about Pakistan is that it cannot sustain a long war due to financial constraints. Yet, with Saudi oil supplies and financial support, Pakistan could indeed fight a prolonged conflict. Similarly, non-military projects like the Bhasha Dam and other water reservoir construction are crucial for national security. India’s threats to block Pakistan’s water and suspend the Indus Waters Treaty make their rapid completion even more urgent. Saudi investment in such projects could accelerate their progress, directly strengthening Pakistan’s foundations.
India:
India’s relations with Pakistan have been strained since the Partition of the Indian subcontinent in 1947, but its ties with Saudi Arabia have never been hostile. In fact, Saudi Arabia is India’s fifth-largest trading partner, exporting around $32 billion worth of oil and other goods annually, while India exports nearly $12 billion to Saudi Arabia. About three million Indians live in Saudi Arabia, sending $12 billion in remittances back home.
This raises the question: in the event of a Pakistan–India war, which side would Saudi Arabia support? According to the agreement, if India attacks Pakistan, would Saudi Arabia declare war on India? As explained earlier, this pact is an agreement, not a treaty. It should not be assumed that Saudi Arabia would sever ties with India and side completely with Pakistan. However, uninterrupted Saudi oil supplies, financial aid, and logistical support could provide Pakistan with a strong foundation during war.
The Pakistan–Saudi Arabia defense pact is an agreement, not a treaty. Thus, it would be wrong to assume that Saudi Arabia would sever its ties with India and completely side with Pakistan
At the same time, thanks to the Pakistan-Saudi defense agreement, India cannot exert significant pressure on Saudi Arabia, despite the trade ties between the two countries. While Saudi Arabia exports $32 billion worth of goods to India, India also exports billions of dollars to the kingdom and receives substantial foreign exchange. In addition, India gets billions of dollars in remittances from Saudi Arabia. The importance of these remittances is further amplified by U.S. measures, such as H-1B visa fees of up to $100,000, primarily affecting Indians, as 71% of these visas are issued to them. Moreover, U.S. policies that tax remittances sent by Indian Green Card holders or individuals on temporary or student visas could reduce the foreign exchange India receives from the U.S. In this context, remittances from Saudi Arabia become increasingly crucial for India.
Yet the most important impact is that this defense pact creates a deterrent: before launching any operation like ‘Operation Sindoor’ in the future, India will have to reconsider the consequences of Pakistan’s strengthened defense alliance with Saudi Arabia.
Israel:
Amid the Gaza situation, increasing Israeli aggression, and particularly Israel’s airstrike on Qatar, this defense agreement between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia has gained significant importance. High-ranking officials from both countries confirmed that, if needed, Pakistan could extend a nuclear umbrella to Saudi Arabia under this pact. Analysts believe this sends Israel an indirect message: any future aggression similar to the Qatar strike could have dire consequences. Through this pact, Saudi Arabia and other regional players sent the signal that they are no longer sitting ducks; they’re asserting themselves as capable actors who won’t be targeted at will.
Iran:
Iran, a key regional player, has had tense relations with Saudi Arabia, often using proxies to encircle the kingdom. However, following China-mediated talks, Saudi–Iran ties have normalized considerably. During the recent Israel–Iran conflict, Saudi Arabia openly condemned Israeli aggression.
Historically, Pakistan has sought to maintain a delicate balance between Iran and Saudi Arabia in matters of defense cooperation, aiming to prevent any sectarian polarization within the country. In the past, despite requests from Saudi Arabia, Islamabad even refrained from deploying troops to Yemen against the Houthis to preserve this neutrality. This time, however, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, and Iran, three brotherly Islamic nations, appear to be aligned on a common strategic page.
After the Pakistan–Saudi defense pact, Saudi Arabia’s foreign minister even phoned his Iranian counterpart to build trust. This is why, in his UN General Assembly speech, the Iranian president welcomed the pact, calling it the beginning of a comprehensive regional security framework.
United States:
Analysts argue that the U.S. lacks a clear Middle East policy, with Israel seemingly dictating American strategy, like the saying ‘the tail wagging the dog’—due to its immense influence in U.S. policymaking institutions. The attack on Hamas leadership in Qatar clearly indicates that even President Trump seemed unable to restrain certain Israeli actions.
It is possible that the Pakistan–Saudi defense pact has tacit U.S. approval. After all, the provision for a nuclear umbrella could hardly be implemented without U.S. knowledge. Trump may also see this agreement as a way to signal to Israel that actions like the Qatar airstrike could trigger highly dangerous consequences in the future.
The Bottom Line:
The Pakistan–Saudi Arabia defense agreement is not meant to fuel tensions but to establish deterrence against war and aggression. On the one hand, it aims to curb Israel’s growing belligerence, and on the other, it signals to India that Pakistan is not isolated. As a nuclear power, Pakistan not only ensures its own defense but is also trusted by major states for their security.
The most significant outcome of the Pakistan–Saudi Arabia defense agreement is Pakistan’s emergence as a rising regional power. China’s defense collaboration with Pakistan, especially in response to India’s participation in alliances such as the Quad, seeks to elevate Pakistan into a leading military force in South Asia. The new pact with Saudi Arabia reinforces this trajectory, positioning Pakistan not only as a pivotal South Asian military power but also as an influential actor in the Middle East. This agreement marks a decisive step toward that goal.
History of Pakistan–Saudi Arabia Defense Relations
Since its inception, Pakistan’s relations with Arab states remained largely formal. This was partly because Egypt gained significant political importance in the Muslim world after the fall of the Ottoman Empire. Following the 1952 coup, when Gamal Abdul Nasser officially became head of state in 1954, his slogans of Arab unity and Arab nationalism made him highly popular. Especially after the nationalization of the Suez Canal in 1956, Nasser was seen as a hero in the Arab world.
This was a challenge for Pakistan: Nasser’s socialist leanings brought him closer to the Soviet Union and maintained a deep relationship with the Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru. Both Nasser and Nehru regarded the partition of India as a colonial conspiracy. Although Pakistan tried to strengthen ties with Nasser, the Baghdad Pact caused so much resentment in him that he refused even to meet Pakistan’s Prime Minister Husain Shaheed Suhrawardy. Pakistan’s unease peaked in 1955 when King Ibn Saud and Nehru exchanged state visits. Prime Minister Chaudhry Muhammad Ali and Gen. Sher Ali Khan Pataudi visited the Kingdom and convinced Ibn Saud that while Pakistan could not provide modern weaponry, it could offer superior military training compared to Egypt. Until then, Saudi Arabia relied on Egypt for military training. Impressed by this proposal, Ibn Saud initiated formal defense cooperation with Pakistan.
In the 1960s, after an Egyptian-trained officer toppled Yemen’s royal family, cracks began to appear in Egypt–Saudi relations. The Saudi rulers felt threatened by this nearby revolt. The final blow came when three Saudi pilots, trained by Egypt, defected to support the Yemeni rebels and sought asylum in Egypt. At the time, thousands of Egyptian civilian and military personnel were working in Saudi Arabia, but Riyadh decided to expel them, bringing Pakistan and Saudi Arabia closer in defense cooperation.
President Ayub Khan and King Faisal signed an important defense agreement in 1967 when the Arab defeat in the Arab-Israeli war severely damaged Nasser’s reputation. Pakistani troops were deployed in Tabuk, near the Israeli border, for Saudi defense. During the India-Pakistan wars of 1965 and 1971, Saudi Arabia extended financial and logistical support to Pakistan.
In 1979, Pakistan–Saudi defense ties entered a new phase after the “Siege of Makkah”, when nearly 600 armed men seized the Holy Kaaba, and their leader claimed to be the Mahdi. Pakistani commandos helped storm the mosque and eliminate the insurgents. The second event was the Iranian Revolution. Saudi Arabia viewed this as a grave threat, especially after a Shia uprising in its Eastern Province (Qatif). These developments heightened Saudi security concerns, leading to deeper cooperation with Pakistan. During the Iran-Iraq War in the 1980s, it was reported that nearly a full division of Pakistani troops was stationed in Saudi Arabia.
During the Afghan War, Saudi Arabia played a vital role by funding Pakistan. It is even said that Pakistan acquired modern American F-16 fighter jets with Saudi financial backing. Although relations slowed in later years, Pakistani troops were once again tasked with protecting the holy sites during the Gulf War.
In May 1998, when Pakistan conducted nuclear tests and faced international sanctions, Saudi Arabia provided nearly free oil supplies, with deferred payments stretching over years. Saudi Defense Minister Prince Sultan bin Abdulaziz Al Saud became perhaps the only foreign dignitary to be shown Pakistan’s uranium enrichment facilities at Kahuta in 1999.
Relations cooled in 2015 when Pakistan refused to send troops to Yemen despite Saudi requests. However, former COAS Raheel Sharif was later appointed to lead the Saudi-backed Islamic Military Counter Terrorism Coalition. Likewise, former COAS Jehangir Karamat served in Saudi Arabia during the Iran–Iraq War, and current COAS Gen. Syed Asim Munir served in the Kingdom as a lieutenant colonel. Pakistan has consistently provided military and technical training to the Kingdom’s Army, Navy, and Air Force officers and personnel. Thousands of Saudi military personnel have been trained in Pakistan, and Saudi Arabia remains the largest buyer of Pakistani arms.
The writer is a SouthAsia Special Correspondent from Australia. Based in Melbourne, he is a veteran journalist and TV producer and has served various TV channels and newspapers in Pakistan and Australia. He can be reached at adeel644@yahoo.com


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