Region
Unpredictable Future
The army’s role is not reduced. It remains an unelected center of power, with its own ties to each of the formal structures.

Pakistan stands at a crossroads. Its survival is now dependent on its economic well-being which in turn can only be achieved by a stable political regime elected by the people through free and fair elections without any engineering or intervention. To achieve this prime objective, it is imperative that the much-needed constitutional and legal reforms in the electoral system are undertaken without any further delay as its present legal and constitutional dispensation has failed to guard against corrupt regimes and proven counter-productive. Moreover, it has to break with its past, shunning practices that have caused regime failures throughout its political history. It is time to make a fresh solemn pledge to honour and uphold the noble and exalted promise made some seventy three years ago by its founding fathers and recoded in the Objectives Resolution wherein it was irreversibly agreed and decided that the authority in Pakistan was to be exercised through the chosen representatives of the people. It is the grundnorm (basic norm) of Pakistan’s constitutional order that has been violated time and again by all and sundry.
A look at the political history of Pakistan would show that military interventions were sought to be justified on the grounds of necessity. Pakistan had a continued existential threat from its hegemonic neighbour India with whom it had fought four full-fledged wars. A continued state of emergency and a hybrid political system denying fundamental rights hampered the growth of political and social awareness and culture necessary for the election of a stable government. There is a general belief that access to power has been possible with the aid and blessings of the establishment that has arrogated to itself the right of protecting Pakistan’s ideological and physical boundaries. Thus, all political governments hardly completed their term in office and if they completed their terms fraught with political and economic instability causing a regime failure as those governments failed to complete their programs and fulfill promises made during election campaigns.
The regime failures in Pakistan have mainly occurred due to two reasons. In the first instance, there is an undemocratic behaviour of political elite, political parties and leaders who are always ready and willing to lend their shoulders to topple ‘elected’ governments. Political leadership in Pakistan mainly belongs to a landed aristocracy and an urban elite coming from industrial, commercial and real estate businesses and is close-knitted because of inter-marriages and common interests that have deeps links in the establishment for whom power is a source of wealth generation and an instrument of perpetuation of prestige and privilege. The second reason is the continued praetorian role of the establishment that has kept the democratic process within bounds.
Unfortunately, none of the political leaders has risen to the higher echelons of a political party and power from the grassroots. From the early fifties, power intrigues, infighting and intolerance amongst the political classes also delayed constitution-making and regime failures bear witness to it. During that period (1947-1957) several governments were dismissed at short intervals which created a culture of political instability and distrust in politics. One political leader was pitched up against the other in the power game. Regrettably, this sorry state of affairs has continued even now.
After the third constitution came into force in 1973, it was genuinely believed that a new era of hope and prosperity had been ushered in. One of the most popular political leaders and a maverick, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto came to power in 1972 and enjoyed a period of unprecedented political stability. He was thrown out in 1977 with the help of a movement launched under the banner of Pakistan National Alliance. With the restoration of the Constitution in December 1985, after 11 years of direct military rule of General Zia, Muhammad Khan Junejo soon faced an intrigue. He was thrown out by Zia through a palace coup that gave birth to a new political class that was willing to sacrifice every principle at the altar of political expediency. The short-lived government of the late Benazir Bhutto ended in 1990 mainly because the then Chief Minister of the Punjab, Mian Nawaz Sharif became an instrument of intrigue against her, which is fully documented in Asghar Khan’s case decided by the Supreme Court in 2013. After Nawaz Sharif came to power in 1990 by forming the Islamic Democratic Alliance, he was thrown out in 1993. Benazir led a long March in 1992-92 and reciprocated the favour. It has gone on since.
There are three mainstream parties in Pakistan today - PPP, PML ( N) and PTI. Each of these parties has been in power at the centre and in the provinces and some of them more than once. These parties and their leaderships have high animus towards each other. Vitriolic personal attacks amounting to criminal libel are a daily routine. Loyalty is measured by the viciousness of attacks upon political opponents by the rank and file of the party. In TV talk shows and interviews, dirty linen is washed in public view. They fail to understand that despite their lowly overtures towards the establishment, they cannot remain in power permanently. They have to go once they have served the purpose. It is high time that Pakistan’s political elite changed its political behaviour and brought decency to politics. Instead of failing each other, they need to do something for the masses stricken by poverty. It is in their name that they rule the country. ![]()

The writer is an advocate of the Supreme Court and former Additional Attorney General of Pakistan. He holds an LL.M. degree from Harvard Law School and is the co-author of a book ‘Comparative Constitutional Law.’ He can be reached at mwaqarrana@yahoo.com


						
						
						
						
Leave a Reply