Cover Story 
 

Cover Story

From Isolation to Admiration

Despite India’s military setback and its failure to diplomatically isolate Pakistan, the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has not reversed the BJP’s politics of hate and policy of exclusiveness

By Dr. Moonis Ahmar | December 2025


Following a brief India-Pakistan war from May 7-10 this year and subsequent standoff, Pakistan’s diplomatic and power projection surged. It was not only the U.S. President Donald Trump praising Pakistan and taking the credit for averting a nuclear war in South Asia, but it also reflected Islamabad’s renewed diplomatic surge in the Gulf, the Middle East, and other parts of the world.

How Pakistan, which was facing diplomatic isolation and charges of sponsoring terrorism, was able to strike back and re-establish its role in the global and regional setting? How is India perceived as following a defensive line and being unable to respond to the reality that it lost its armed conflict with Pakistan? How can Pakistan capitalize on its diplomatic resurgence and benefit from its prevailing pivotal role in regional and global affairs? Why is the BJP-led government, despite experiencing a military setback with Pakistan, unwilling to alleviate its politics of hate at the domestic level? These are the questions raised by those who see Pakistan’s diplomatic resurgence as both a challenge and an opportunity, despite the BJP’s belligerent posture internally.

Pakistan is trying to seize the opportunity of causing a blow to India during the May 7-10 war. But despite facing a defensive position since its last brief war with Islamabad, the BJP government under Prime Minister Narendra Modi has refused to reform its domestic agenda by mitigating the politics of hate. The politics of prejudice pursued by the Modi government adds to religious and communal polarization in India, which is least helpful for New Delhi to overcome its regional and international limitations.

For critics, it may be a euphoria on the part of the Pakistani establishment that it has greatly benefited from its ostensible triumph in the May conflict with India and is now in a stronger position, thanks to its warm relations with major global powers, particularly the United States, Russia, and China. But the reality on the ground may be different. Pakistan remains in dire economic straits, with its foreign exchange reserves not exceeding $15 billion; its economic growth rate is marginal, and its exports have not surpassed $30 billion. Politically, the establishment, along with its subordinate civilian partners, attempted to capitalize on its claimed victory over India by imposing further curbs on the media, opposition, and taming the judiciary, while accumulating more power in the top echelon of military leadership under the 26th and 27th constitutional amendments.

Those who believe that praise from Donald Trump will enable them to strengthen their hold on power and establish a quasi-military hybrid regime that undermines the constitution, democracy, and the rule of law may, however, be mistaken. Those wielding real power confidently judged that by engineering constitutional amendments, they could ensure the supremacy of security forces in the mode of governance. Against this background, the introduction of the 26th and 27th constitutional amendments was aimed at undoing the supremacy of the constitution, independence of the judiciary, freedom of the press, and ending a level playing field for the opposition. However, while pursuing a hard road of authoritarian governance, those who rule the roost, along with their civilian stooges, are not mindful of the fact that similar efforts in the past have also failed to materialize.

When constitutional amendments are made not for national interests but to ensure the interests and privileges of individuals holding key positions of power, such efforts damage Pakistan’s diplomatic position. The world will not take it positively if endeavors are made to weaken the constitution and judiciary at the expense of democracy, freedom of the press, and an inclusive mode of governance. By taking such measures, Pakistan’s diplomatic edge, which was gained following the May 2025 armed conflict with India, may be diminished. International media and civil society will reject constitutional amendments and efforts to strengthen the position of a few individuals holding positions of power at the expense of democracy.

According to the Daily Parliament Times issue of November 9, “Pakistan’s diplomatic offensive has reached its peak - particularly after decisively thwarting India’s blatant and brazen military misadventure in May 2025. It would not be an exaggeration to state that such a vigorous and impactful diplomatic drive has rarely been witnessed in the nation’s more than seven-decade-long diplomatic history. Recent constructive engagements and carefully coordinated initiatives, under the forward-looking leadership of Prime Minister Muhammad Shehbaz Sharif and the country’s Army Chief, Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, merit genuine recognition. Through a proactive, soft power–driven strategy aimed at advancing both national and global objectives, Pakistan has significantly elevated its international standing, emerging as a prominent and respected voice on the world stage.”


Pakistan’s Strategic Mutual Defense Agreement with Saudi Arabia, along with its role in the Doha and Istanbul talks on Afghanistan, reflects Pakistan’s diplomatic success. Pakistan’s seat as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council and its role in Arab-Muslim talks on Gaza held recently in Istanbul is another evidence of Pakistan’s expanding diplomatic landscape.

The politics of prejudice pursued by the Modi government contributes to religious and communal polarization in India, which is least helpful for New Delhi in overcoming its regional and international limitations

The regional implications of Pakistan’s growing diplomatic success require examination from three angles. First, Pakistan is diplomatically active not only in the UN but also in the SCO and ECO. Likewise, its role in the D-8, a group of developing countries, is also paramount. Unfortunately, SAARC is in limbo, and the 19th SAARC summit, scheduled to be held in Islamabad in November 2016, has not been held due to India’s refusal to participate, given its contentious issues with Pakistan. Furthermore, Pakistan is active in Gaza peace endeavors and in resolving its conflict with Afghanistan.

Indeed, Pakistan’s success in the May 7-10 armed conflict with India is instrumental in providing an edge to Islamabad in regional and global diplomacy. To what extent Pakistan has been able to utilize its diplomatic influence in recent years is yet to be seen. However, one thing is sure:
after decades of stagnation on the diplomatic front, Pakistan is now in the mainstream of diplomacy. For years, Pakistan felt neglected and isolated at the international level and faced challenges from the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) on the issue of terrorism and money laundering. However, Pakistan was removed from the FATF’s grey list in October 2022, but it still faces the challenge of ongoing monitoring. Second, Pakistan’s breakthrough in mending fences with Bangladesh following the August 2024 regime change in Dhaka is termed another milestone in Islamabad’s regional diplomatic achievements. With Nepal and Sri Lanka, Pakistan has also recently strengthened its relations. However, ties with the Taliban regime in Kabul are witnessing a downward trend.

Recently, India and Afghanistan have been in a friendly mode. The visit of the interim Afghan Foreign Minister to India and Kabul’s support to New Delhi’s stance on Jammu & Kashmir is a source of concern for Pakistan. Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Islamabad, criticized Kabul’s support to the Indian claim over J&K, terming it a negation of ground realities reflecting New Delhi’s illegal occupation of Jammu and Kashmir. It means Pakistan’s diplomatic space in South Asia is challenged by Afghanistan, which has now emerged as an Indian ally.

A significant challenge to Pakistan’s security and diplomacy in South Asia is the two-pronged water threat that it is facing from India and Afghanistan. If India has suspended the Indus Water Treaty (IWT) of 1960, Kabul is building a dam over the Kunar/Kabul River, which will cause a severe water shortage for Pakistan.

Finally, as mentioned earlier, the only way Pakistan can ensure its diplomatic edge in foreign policy is by putting its own house in order. It means ensuring political pluralism, economic vibrancy, good governance, the rule of law, upholding the constitution, and democracy. It would also mean empowering youth, eradicating corruption and nepotism, as well as extremism and terrorism from society. Most importantly, what matters for a successful foreign policy is a leadership that is mindful of protecting sovereignty and national interest.

Unfortunately, Pakistan’s track record in pursuing an independent foreign policy is questionable. Pakistan has not learned the lessons of putting all its eggs in one basket and then facing letdown by Washington. Recent warmth in Pakistan-U.S. relations is another manifestation of a marriage of convenience. Recently, the signing of 10 10-year defense cooperation agreements between India and the United States proves the contention wrong that the United States and India are not on good terms.

Cordial relations with neighbors and win-win ties with major powers will undoubtedly enhance Pakistan’s prospects for successful diplomacy and its foreign policy. Although Pakistan cannot unilaterally take steps to better its relations with New Delhi, it certainly needs to focus on exposing Modi’s years of sinister efforts to isolate Pakistan regionally and internationally and put the blame of terrorist acts on Islamabad for domestic political consumption.

Despite India’s military setback and its failure to diplomatically isolate Pakistan, the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has not reversed the BJP’s politics of hate and policy of exclusiveness. This is evident from the recently held state elections in Bihar, where, despite expectations, the Indian National Congress-led progressive alliance failed to outperform the Narendra Modi-led National Democratic Alliance. It also means that despite not securing a two-thirds majority in last year’s general elections, the BJP managed to continue its politics of targeting religious minorities, including Sikhs, and promoting Hindu nationalism. As a result, despite its economic vibrancy, the image of Modi’s India reflects negatively at the international and regional levels, which gives impetus to Pakistan’s diplomatic resurgence.

Read More