Politics of Elimination

One of the significant impediments to enhancing participatory and good governance has been the disproportionate exercise and unacceptable levels of influence of elite pressure groups and lobbies over collective functions of the state and manipulation of decision-making processes to secure undue benefits for themselves. The lack of education, class, asset ownership, land ownership, politically strong family affiliations, political power, military power, historically discriminated social groups, etc., have all contributed to elite control of government resources for the benefit of a select few at the cost of others.

Several conflicts arise out of the same uniqueness that the “politics of elimination” of the security and civil establishment deliberately created to wield more and more powers.

The landholding class and the security establishment established a nexus that had a significant bearing on the socio-political life of the areas, constituting Pakistan in 1947. Hence, the cooperation of the local landed elites not only scuttled the political institutionalization but cultivated and sustained the culture of clientele. That placed insuperable impediments in the growth of democratic institutions and in instituting the socio-economic reforms to become hazardous because of the dominant landed political interests.

Democracy has been both a challenge and an opportunity for Pakistan. This is a challenge for Pakistan because there are multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multi-cultural groups juxtaposed with their unique history, needs, problems and aspirations. Several conflicts arise out of the same uniqueness that the “politics of elimination” of the security and civil establishment deliberately created to wield more and more powers. It is a challenge because the people have lost their hope over time after years of betrayal by the politicians and bureaucracy, to the consequence that they are no longer interested in even one of the significant practices of democracy, i.e., ‘elections.’

Democracy is an opportunity because one should learn from follies and course correct. History proves that we are free to make mistakes but are not ready to accept them. There are many follies that our rulers have made one after another under the impression of prolonging their indispensable rule ‘and benefiting Pakistan.’ And those follies were not just because ‘they’ made them, but because only a few people made them, and they did not bother to consult millions. The ‘opportunity’ is, therefore, rooted in this realization that people matter and or the very reason for the existence of this country. Had the rulers trusted our people in the true spirit of the letter, the socio-economic and political conditions of this country would have been different.

We must understand that countries become zones of opportunities when they choose ballot over the bullet, debate over coercion, tolerance and consensus over intolerance and self-serving attitude. Pakistan still has that streak, which can push people back to exercise their former choices. But that all begins by accepting people as supreme. Supremacy of people makes countries sovereign.

Values and structures of traditional authoritarian and rational democratic order exist simultaneously in Pakistan. The governing elite is the product of social structures. The lack of requisites for rational democratic order in society justifies the continuation of authoritarianism. Authoritarian inclination prompts the governing elite to look into governance problems through the lens of uniformity and authority. Hence, they cannot realize the need to incorporate the people’s desire for empowerment, generated by liberal-democratic discourse, expressed in diversified forms by individuals from different backgrounds and orientations, into their governance approach.

Military, bureaucracy, politicians, intelligentsia, urban educated class, every group considers another group (s) responsible for the problems faced by Pakistan. The rationale for the security state is to accomplish a noble objective/mission against perceived adversary evil. This missionary spirit is also transmitted to upwardly mobile, educated classes without institutionalization of suitable roles. As a result, they become critical and least tolerant towards weak democratic regimes.

Patronage and the capacity for violence play crucial roles in determining political outcomes and manifest themselves in repeated coups, sectarian conflict and feudalistic relationships. Political parties and the establishment merely grant various elites access to state resources. They have derived huge economic assets from their strong political position. Combined with a weak and corruption-ridden state, such conditions have produced a government where institutions work differently for different people. These entrenched power dynamics make wholesale reform daunting, if not impossible.

So far, the optimism of the 08 February 2024 political transition seems premature. With increasing terrorist attacks, seething inflation, dwindling foreign exchange reserves, declining foreign remittances, decreasing exports and huge macroeconomic imbalance coupled with a charged political atmosphere, the coming few years of the current dispensation will undoubtedly be challenging. Continued political instability, the possibility of another episode of strained civilian-military relations and rising incompetence and corruption. All these facts are interconnected and make any reasonable and long-lasting resolution problematic. Whether the current dispensation can surmount the multifaceted problems it faces or will collapse before completing its tenure is anybody’s guess.