Cover Story
Born to Rule
All major political dynastic parties lack intra-party democratic practices, prevent the rise of non-family members even within their parties, and have little interest in the emancipation of the masses through education, legal and social justice, and equitable distribution of wealth.
Since attaining independence in 1947, Pakistan has failed to become a truly democratic state with genuine civilian supremacy. One can enumerate several factors that are responsible for the sorry situation. The repeated rise of military regimes has primarily played a negative role. However, dynastic politics also played a key role.
In the traditional political sense, political dynasties seek to place family members in strategic positions to build a political empire. The electoral politics in Pakistan has remained hostage to the monopoly of a well-entrenched clique of powerful political dynasties, turning Pakistani legislatures into oligarchies.
Some of these families have enjoyed political power for generations. In fact, according to a 2022 study undertaken by the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics (PIDE), dynastic legislators constituted at least 50 percent of the representatives elected in the 2002, 2008, and 2013 general elections, with 41 percent of runner-up electoral candidates also belonging to dynastic political families.
This political system continues the colonial legacy that helps perpetuate the political status quo at the expense of long-desired reforms that could strengthen democratic institutions, an inclusive political culture, and a devolution of power to the grassroots level.
Human greed for power can be traced back to the ancient times of tribes, clans, and castes. When seen through the lens of political psychology, Dynastic politics can be used as a strategic tool to perpetuate power by involving family members. The political administration entrusted to dynastic politicians is considered a part of personal property that can then be exploited at the cost of the rights of the electorate. Responsibility and accountability are not part of the equation, and corrupt practices leading to the accumulation of ill-gotten wealth are accepted as normal in the political scheme of things.
The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) are the two key dynastic political parties that have dominated Pakistan’s politics for over four decades. The Pakistan Muslim League-Q (PML-Q) is another dynastic party with lesser relative importance. Interestingly, their top leadership owes much to military dictators.
With a feudal background, PPP’s Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was a protégé of General Ayub Khan and rose to prominence as his advisor and cabinet minister. After parting ways, he launched the PPP, which has remained relevant to the Pakistani political scene through his daughter, Benazir Bhutto. After her assassination, the PPP was run by her husband, Asif Ali Zardari, and their son, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, who has shown political ambition in recent years.
Nawaz Sharif was ushered into politics as a protégé of General Zia-ul-Haq. Representing the Punjabi urban mercantile class, he had a different social background than Bhutto. Yet, his PML (N) has come to symbolize a similar feudal mindset. His daughter, brother, and nephew actively participate in the contemporary dynastic political processes.
The PML (Q) rose to prominence during the military regime of General Musharraf. Representing a powerful political dynasty, Shujaat Hussain and his brother, Pervez Ilahi, ran the party before a recent falling-out. That said, both senior politicians and their sons remain politically active, albeit on opposing sides.
These parties voted into power in the name of democracy and have no qualms in allying with non-democratic forces, whether religious or military, thus weakening democratic processes. For them, elections are a source of gaining political control and strengthening family interests through state patronage and nepotism rather than a means of strengthening democracy by focusing on allotting civic amenities, job creation, and public goods provisioning. The above-mentioned study’s constituency-wise analysis demonstrates that non-dynastic winners are more willing and successful in the provision of public services like road infrastructure, water, and sanitation in their areas.
Beyond cosmetic changes and rhetoric, these political actors have little interest in the emancipation of the masses through education, legal and social justice, and equitable distribution of wealth. It is a small wonder, then, that these political parties lack intra-party democratic practices, thus preventing the rise of non-family members even within the party.
Pakistan’s rural-based feudal and tribal culture has played a crucial role in perpetuating political patronage, along with economic disparity, and the two continue to reinforce each other. The urban elite that later emerged in the political arena draws its power from the industrial and business class or the ‘old boys’ network’ and adheres to the same feudal mindset and cult-based political style. This has led to the politicisation of the police, bureaucracy, and judiciary, further undermining the rights and liberties of the common men and women of Pakistan.
Over the decades, all major political dynastic parties have participated in successive military regimes to protect their long-term political interests and receive state patronage. Military rulers seek to co-opt powerful political families to legitimize and perpetuate their rule. This unholy alliance system has resulted in a hybrid form of civil-military rule that has become visible during the last two years.
The rise of Imran Khan’s non-dynastic PTI, after its failed romance with the ‘’electables’’, challenges the political status quo. After being unfairly deprived by the Supreme Court, the party could not contest the February 2024 elections under a single electoral symbol. Instead, the PTI-backed independent candidates, most of whom do not belong to political dynasties. However, despite a clear electoral victory, the PTI has not been allowed to form the government, and the same dynastic political parties have again ascended to power, strengthening the hybrid system.
By ceding civilian domains, these parties continue to undermine democracy and civilian institutions. Foreign, defense, and security policies continue to be dominated by the military, which now also seeks to oversee economic stability, as demonstrated by establishing the Special Investment Facilitation Council (SIFC).
Notably, the demographics are changing. Pakistan’s population surpassed 240 million in 2023, with two-thirds of the population aged twenty-four or below and those eighteen and above eligible to vote. A large majority of the youth today supports the PTI chairman’s anti-status quo narrative and is not enamored with dynastic politics. This ground reality cannot and must not be ignored by those at the helm of affairs. A truly democratic Pakistan is the only way towards peace and prosperity.
The author is an academic and the author of Unwilling Slaves: Pakistan’s Strategic Choices in the 1990s (2022). She can be reached at talatfarooq11@gmail.com
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